Miisaniyadaha ay wasiir Samsam soo gudbisay daboyaaqadii sannadkii ina dhaafay 2016 waxa ka muuqata ina aan la isku hawlin oo saacadda u denbeysa inta tii hore la soo qaato lambarada uun la kala beddelo iyada oo aan cidna lagala tashan khaasatan wasaaradaha ay khuseeyso. Wasiirku waxa ay caadeyastay in aany soo bandhigin kharashka runta ah (actual) ee baxay sannadkii hore si loo ogaado loona naqdiyi karo faraqa (deficit or surplus) u dhaxeeya miisaniyada mala-awaalka ah (estimate) iyo kharashka runta ah (actual). Mar haddi taa la waayao oo aay noqoto mala-awalkii sandkii hore oo la garab dhigaayo mala-awaalka sanadkan wax qiima ah oo aay ku fadhida ma jirto. Sadexdaa sanno ee ay Samsam wasiirka ahayd sand qudha may soo bandhigin kharashka runta ah (actual expenditure) ee baxay.

Dakhliga Miisaaniyadanina waa mala-awaal cilmiyeysan (educated guess) oo ku saleysan cabir (projections) xaalada dhaqaale, tu hore iyo tu soo socotaba. Marka la cabiro dakhliga ayaa dabeetana laga fuudh yeelaa baahida hadaba taal iyada oo la kala fadilaayo (Prioritize). Taasi kama muuqato miisaniyadaha ay wasiir Samsam soo gudbiso.

Waxa ka muuqata miisaniyada 2017 siddii ay kuwii horeba uuga muuqatay been abuur cad sida miisaniyada loo qoondeeyay

Qalabka iyo Saanada Ciidamada Dalka ee kala duwan. Lama sheegin

Kharashka Doorashooyinka iyo Kaadh bedalka. Badh maqanyahay

Korodhinta Mushahaarooyinka Shaqaalaha iyo Ciidamada dalka 10% Misaaniyadihii hore ku jirtay

Korodhka Miisaaniyadda Ictiraaf-raadinta. Halkay ku baxdaa?

Kharashka Ciidamada illaalada Shidaalka. Xiligan ma jirto shidaal qodis

Kharashka Gurmadka Abaaraha. Lama hayo halka uu maray

Kharashka Mashruuca Dhiraynta Deegaanka. Ma muuqato

Dhiska iyo dayactirka wadooyinka dalka. Waddadii Ceerigaabo?

Sida aan kor ku xusay kharashka runta ah ee afartii (7) sanno ee hore cidina garan meyso waayo sanad qudha lama soo bandhigin. Waxa se cad ina loo qoondeeyo 2% dib u dhiska gobolada Sool iyo Sanaag bari. Intaasi midna lama dhaqan gelin. Taasina waa denbi qaranka laga galay waayo Halkaana waxa ka cad ina xukuumada Kulmiye hantida ummada sida ay doonto uugu tagri faleyso iyada oo aan haba yareete aanay cidna wax iskaga tirinaheyn.

Ma dhaba ina Dakhliga 2017 Uu Hoos U Dhacay?

Dakhliga Miisaniyada 2017 wax ku cad ina uu boqolkiibaa 60% hoos uuga dhacay kii sanadkii 2016. Taasi waa mid lala yaabo waayo sida ku cad miisaaniyada Wasiirku soo gudbisay:

* Cashuurtii soo dejintu waay koradhay.

* Shaqaalihii xukuumado sid ku cad miisniyada wuu kordhay taa macnaheedo waxa weeyi cashuurta dakhilga shaqalaha (payroll tax) oo korodhay

* Cashuurti macaashal/macaashka ganacsiga oo aad u kordhay sida ku cad miisaaniyada.

* Cashuurtii beriga oo iyana koradhay.

* Waxa kale oo iyana 50% hoos u dhacay dakhliga iyo dhaqdhaqaaqa dhaqaale (economic activity) ee dekedda Berbera ka dib lawareegistii DPWorld.

Halkaa waxa ku cad in dakhliga ay dawladu leedahay kor ayuu u kacay waxba ka jirin. In xukuumado dakhliga 2017 aay ka been abuurtay meela badan ayaay ka muuqataa waxa se igaga filan oo aan tusaale u soo qaadanayaa dakhliga laga filaayo dhoofinta xoolaha 2017 waa $0 madaama dalka sucuudi carabia weli si rasmi ah qaadin cuno qabataynta xoolaha Somaliland Cashuurta la yidhaaahdo (live-stock levy) ee xukuumado tidhi waa la filayaa ina aay ka soo hoyato waa $0

Dakhliga Miisaaniyada Ka Maqan

Ugu horeyn Miisaaniyada waxa ka maqan dakhli badan oo aay ka mid yiheen:

1. Lacagta loogu talo galay Laabka (Mishiinka Shaybaadka) ee ku jirta Wasaaradda Caafimadka lacagtaas oo dhan 4,800,000,000 Sl Shilling lagu Wareejiyo Hay’aada Illaalinta Tayada (Quality Control). Wasiirada walaalkeed baa mashruucan qaatay xadhigana Wasiir Samsam baa ka jartay xadhiga gabi ahaanba wey fadhiisteen mishiinadaasi

2. Haamaha Shidaalka

3. Wakaalada Biyaha Hargeysa $4,2$86,546 Hargeysa badhkeed biyo ma leh
4. Haya’da Laydhka Hargeysa
5. Hay’ada Wadooyinka ( Roads Authority) Xirsi dabadii wado lama furin
6. Lacgta Sarifka ka soo baxda ee ku xaroota Baanka-Dhexe Sicir bararka
7. Dakhliga iibka hantida ma guuraaga ah Yaaba og
8. Labada dollar ($8) ee aan buuga gelin ee marka la dhoofayo la iska qaado
9. 2% loogu tala galay Sool iyo Sanag Bari in lagu horamariyo

Dakhliyo kale oo Aan Runta Laga Sheegin

Dakhliga liisamada/ruqseynta macdanta iyo shidaalka

Iibka khayraadka dabiiciga

Dakhliga kaluumeysiga badda

Aujuurada duulista

Dakhliga Cashuurta gadidda (sales tax)

Dakhliga SDF Somaliland Development Fund

Miisaaniyada waxa ku cad dakhliga ah $362,517,393 oo lagu magacabo cashuurta. Hadaba waxa la yaab leh ina aanay jirin sales tax. Meelna laguma qaado. Waxa jirta fiiga kala wareejinta hantida sida baabuurta oo ka duwan sales tax. Waa wax lala yaabo!!!. Siddeebaa cashuur aan jirin oo intaa leeg loogu qoraa miisaaniyada??

Kabka Sarifka Raashinka Ciidanka ee Laga Been Abuuray

Wasiirka maliyadda markii golaha gudida dhaqaalaha ee wakiilado weydiiyeen lacagta adag ee dollarka ah ee ka soo xarootay madaarada sida ka Hargeysa maxa miisaniyada loogu soo dariwaayay iyo waxa lagu qabto waxa ay ku jawabay waxa lagu kabaa raashinka ciidanka.

Jawaabtaasi waa soof daran habaabis. Marka hore raashinka ciidanka xukuumado suuqa ayay ka soo iibsataa ee iyado debada raashin kama keento. Halkaa waxa ku cad in aan xukuumado u bahneyn dollar ay ku soo iibsato raashin. Marka labada raashinka waxa bixisa hay’ada WFP inta badan ama dalaka Turkiga iyo Emaaraatka.

Waxa kale oo iyana lacag adagi (dollar) ka soo baxda ganacsata wax dhoofisa oo lagu qasbo ina aay metalan neefkiiba ka soo celiyaan $10 oo loogu sarifo sarifka officialka ah oo ah 10,000 oo Somaliland ah. Daraasad hore loogu sameyay lacgta adag ee sarifka ka soo gasha xukuumada ina aay kor u dhafto afar iyo toban millon oo dollar (14 million dollar). Halkaa waxa ku cad ina aany wasiiradu runta sheegayn. Taasina waa denbi qaranka laga galay.

Naafada iyo Agoomaha La Hafraayo

In Lacagta Kaalmada ah ee loogu talo galay Dalada Naafada Qaranka lacagtaas oo dhan 400,000,000 Sl Shilling la hoos geeyo Wasaaradda Arimaha Bulshada iyada oo la raacayo habraaca Maamulka, Xisaabadka Iyo Maaliyadda Qaranka JSL.. Waa wax lagu qoslo.

Maansha alaa haddi ay naafada iyo agoomha kharashka inta leegi ku baxeyso!!!. Haddi taasi jirto waxa aaynu la mid nahey wadanada qaniga ah (rich countries).

Qaybinta Miisaaniyada Weyn Waa sidee?

Miisaniyado waxa ay ka koobantahey todoba iyo afartan (67) waaxood oo isugu jira wasaarado iyo hay’ado. Hadaba shanta uugu miisaniyada weyni waa kuwan hoos ku qoran:

Kharashka Guud ee Miisaaniyadda Sannadka2017.
M/Xige FaahFaahin Sannadka 2017 Percentage
210 Kharashka Shaqaalaha 723,630,739,156 48.90%
212 Kharashka Adeega Shaqaalaha 8,696,737,200 0.60%
2210 Kharashka Isticmaalka Adeega Hawsha 355,794,665,394 24.10%
2220 Kharashka Isticmaalka Alaabta Hawsha 149,729,114,040 10.10%
2230 Daryeelka iyo Dib-u Dhiska Dhismayaasha 19,261,141,611 1.30%
2710 Iibsiga Hantida Raagta 51,436,841,720 2.30%
2720 Dhismayaasha Cusub 65,120,000,000 4.40%
2510 Kabka 6,095,250,079 0.40%
2630 Kalmooyinka Qaybaha Kale ee Dawladda 36,167,390,800 2.40%
2650 Wareejimaha Lacagaha aan Deeqaha ahyn 52,734,942,000 3.60%
2660 Keydka Qaranka 8,000,000,000 0.50%
2810 Bixinta Deymaha Qaranka 32,133,178,000 1.40%
Deeqda Baanka Aduunka 44,404,022,280 2.86
Total 1,553,204,022,280 100%

Kharashka aan 2017 Lagu Tala Gelin

* Kaalmada Abaaraha??
* Dorashooyinka dawladaha hoose iyo ta barlamaankaba??

Kharashka Ilaalada Madaxtooyada

Kharashka ilaalada madaxtooyda loo qoondeyay waxa uu dhan yahey $840,187 oo anu mushaharku ku jirin. Haddi aay wasaarad gaar ah ahaan laheyd waxa aay noqon laheyd wasaarada 13-naad xaga weynida marka laga eego. Waxanay ka weynaan laheyd 52 wasaaradood oo aay ka mid yiheen beeraha, ciidanka xeebaha, ganacsiga, hawlaha guud, warfafinta IWM.

Kharashka Ku Baxa Nabad Sugida

Kharashka ku baxa nabad sugidu waxa uu dhan yahey $41,092,113. Kaasi oo noqonaaya.

1. Ciidanka qaranka $25,450,118
2. Bileyska (police) $8,746,298
3. Ciidanka asluubta $3,387,384
4. Gaashaandhiga $2,400,487
5. Ilaalada madaxtooyada $680,187
6. Ciidanka xeebaha $360,587
7. Wasarada daakhiliga-nabadgelyada $250,393
8. Guurtida -nabadgelyada $100,019

Wasaarado Dhawr Miisaaniyadood Kala Leh

Labada wasaradood ee kala ah difaaca iyo garsoorka (cadaalada) waxa ay kala leeyihiin dhawr miisaaniyadood: wasarada difaaco waxa aay leedahay laba (2) miisaniyadood oo kala ah ta ciidanka qaranka iyo ta wasaarada difaac oo gaar ah.

Sidoo kale wasaarada garsoorku waxa aay kala leedahey saddex (3) miisaaniyadood: ta maxkamadaha hoose; ta maxkamada sare iyo ta wasarada caddaalada.

Sababtu waa maxay? Sida uu sheegay wasiir Cadami wasiirka difaaco ma xukumo ciidanka qaranka. Ciidanka qaranku waxa uu toos u hoos yimaadaa madaxtooyada. Wasiirka difaaco waa magac u yaal aan awoodiisu dhaafsaneyn xeyn shaqaala ah oo wasaraada difaac hoos fadhida.

Sida oo kale xukaanta fadhiday maxkamadaha waxa aay toos uugu xidhan yihiin madaxtooyada. Wasiirka cadaaladuna waa magac u yaal.

Deynta iyo Deeqda

Deynta iyo deeqda miisaniyada ku cad waxa aay dhantahey $7,394.575. Taasi oo miisaniyada ka ah 2%:

Deeqaha iyo deynta $4,256,596

Deeqda D/Hoose $960,231

Deeqda dekada Berbera $600,691

Deeqda iyo deynta cidda laga amaahday amba ku deeqday wasiirku wuu diiday ina uu sheego. Qaynuunkuna waxa ku qayaxan wixii deyn ah ee magaca waddanka lagu gelaayo waa in uu golaha wakiilado ansixiyaa. Taasina ma dhicin sababta oo ah xildhibaanada muxaafidkaa lagu naasnoojiyaa qayb ka mid ah

Kharashyada La Yaabka Leh

Isticmaalka nalka iyo biyaha $988,485 waxa xusid mudan Gudoomiyaha Kulmiye nalka dowladaa ka bixisa

Iibsiga qalabka nalka iyo biyaha oo sanadwalba taagan $60,915

Qareenka saboolka $1,630

Tababarka wershadleyda $1,150

Sideey la yaabka u leeyhiin? Wasaarad qudha madaxtooyadan ku dhahoo oo nalka iyo biyo bixisaa ma jirto haba yaraate. Madaxtooyado nal iyo biyo toona weligeed may bixin hadana sanad walba way u qorantahey. Waxa taa ka sii daran miyaad aragtay iibsiga qalabka nalka iyo biyaha oo sanadwalba taagan. Sanad walba miyaay guuraan oo galaan meel cusub oo la soo gelinaayo nal iyo biyo. Miyaanay aheeyn mid lala yaabo!

Xukuumado ma qareen ayay u qabata dhibanaha dan yarta ah ee an awoodi karin qareen?. Jawaabtu waa maya. Mise dadka warshedleyda ah ayay tababar u qabataa? Iyana waa maya.

Kharashka Xisaab Xidhka

Wasiirku markii la weydiiyay waxa ay u soo gudbin waysay xisaab-xidhkii sanadihii hore waxa uu ku jawabay shaqada waxa aay khuseysaa hanti-dhawrka. Su’aashu hadaba waxa aay tahey kharaskan xisaabxidhka ee dhan $80,770 ee ku jira miisaniyada wasaarada maliyada waa maxay? Jawaabta waxa laga sugayaa wasiirka.

Kharashyada aan Macnaha Sameynen

Kharashka ururka NOW $55,287

Kaalmada bahweynta Maandeeq $12,938

Haya’da NOW waa NGO xukuumada loogu adeego. Waana xaaraan ina xoolaha dawlada lagu isticmaalo.

Sonyo iyo Solja iyagana lacag baa ugu jirta miisaniyada sababtuna ma cadda

Mashaariicda Horumarinta (development projects)

Kharashka loo qoondeyay mashariicda horumarka waxa uu dhan yahey $200,837. oo ka yar 1%.

Warshada laydhka ee Berbera $2,062,295 Kharashka Ku Baxa Laydhka Berbera miisaaniyadihii horena wuu ku jiray

Kharaska ilaa maanta ku baxay Balaadhinta iyo hirgelinta Laydhka Berbera waxa uu dhan yahay $1,432,310: Taasi oo kala ah sidan:

Miisaaniyadii Sandkii 2013 $301,918

Miisaaniyadii Sankii 2014 $443,287

Miisaaniyada Sanadkan 2015 $336,882

Miisaaniyada 2016 $350,223

Talow Berberi ma ka haqab beeshay laydh????

Mushaharka Madaxweynaha, Ku-xigeenkiisa iyo Madaxtooyada

Miisaaniyada loo qoondeeyay Madaxweynaha, ku-xigeenka iyo wasaarada madaxtooyadu waxa ay dhan tahey $3,081,911. Taasi oo ah 8%

Mushaharka Madaxweynaha $11,000 bishii

Mushaharka Madaxweyne-Ku-xigeenka $8,000 bishii

Wasaarada Madaxtooyada $2,175,104,355,662

Waxa aan ku soo gebogebeynayaa wax yaalo kale oo badan ayaan naqdiyi lahaa laakiin maanta intaasi ayaan ku dhaafayaa. Hadii aad damacdo inaad hubiso lambaradaa aan soo qoray waxa aad ka duushaa S/L Shilling Sarifka oo ahaa: $1=6,500 sanadkii 2009 Kulmiye hortii maanta wuxu marayaa $1=10,000.

Bille Hamud is a Certified Public Accountant with HamudCPA and a member of the Waddani Party of North America.

PRESS RELEASE

Incorporated in 2008, Wari offers a unique digital platform that plays a central role in the uberization of African economies and financial inclusion in the region
DAKAR, Senegal, July 27, 2017/ — Digital solutions group Wari (www.Wari.com) has joined the US‑Africa Business Center (USABC) (www.USChamber.com/africa) initiated by the US Chamber Of Commerce. Wari’s CEO and founder, Kabirou Mbodje, will also sit on the Center’s Board of Directors.

“Wari is extremely proud to join the US-Africa Business Center. The move demonstrates the growing international reach of our business activities and the economic vitality on the African continent. Africa is now shaping the economy of the future, especially in the digital environment,” said Mr Mbodje.

The US-Africa Business Center Board of Directors includes Aliko Dangote (Nigeria), Maria Abrantes (Angola), Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede (Nigeria), Kenny Odogwu (Nigeria) and Jim Ovia (Nigeria). With four representative offices in Dakar, Abidjan, Lagos and Accra, it is increasingly active in Africa. It has three main goals: promote intra-regional trade in Africa, help US companies gain a foothold and grow in Africa, and assist African companies in extending their international reach and integration in the North American market.

“We are proud to have Wari and its founder, Kabirou Mbodje, join the US-Africa Business Center. Wari’s business model offers an innovative solution to meet much of the need for structure in African economies; it echoes our own drive to support the digital transformation in the continent’s economies,” said Scott Eisner, president of the US-Africa Business Center and senior vice president at the US Chamber of Commerce.

Incorporated in 2008, Wari offers a unique digital platform that plays a central role in the uberization of African economies and financial inclusion in the region. Wari’s solutions provide a cost-effective platform to meet daily needs for as many people as possible, covering bill payments, airtime purchases, insurance, pensions, scholarships and salaries. Wari has 212 million users and handles one million transactions a day (representing more than $6 billion annually) via 500,000 agents and 152 partner banks in more than 60 countries.

About the US-Africa Business Center (www.USChamber.com/africa).

Distributed by APO on behalf of Wari Group.

KULMIYE IYO DARIIQII CEERIGAABO VIA BURCO

WUXU KULMIYE KU FAANI JIRAY DARIIQA ERIGAVO VIA BURAO.WAXU SE NOQDAY DARIIQII MASHRUUC UU MADAALE
MUWAADIN XIRSI XAJI CALI JUHUDKIISA KU SOCDAY DHAMAANBA ALBAABADA LAABTAY IS CASILAADII MUDANE XIRSI
KA DIB XIRSI TEGYAABA DARIIQII WAA DAM IYO GORAYOOY GABAL KUU DHAC INSHAA ALLAH SADEX BILOOD KA DIB
XIRSI GUUSHA WADANI KA DIB BAALUHUU LA SOO BIXI DOONAA DARIIQUNA DHAKHSUU U DHAMAAN DOONAA.
EE SAMRA SOMALILAND GAAR AHAAN REER SANAAG IYO REER TOGDHEER. WAA LA DOOGIYE YAAN LA DACAROON.
XIRSI DABADII.
BAL DAAWADA DARANYADA DARIIQII ERIGAVO VIA BURAO.
GAWAADHIDII IYO DAAMURKII OO DAXALAYSTAY.
KULMIYE
QAADO MOOYEE QAYBI MAYAQAAN.

Muuse hassan
lodoon_11@hotmail.com

(Nairobi, July27, 2017) The Islamist armed group Al-Shabab burned numerous homes in raids on villages in Somalia’s Lower Shabelle region in late May 2017, Human Rights Watch said today based on witness accounts and satellite imagery analysis. Al-Shabab fighters abducted civilians, stole livestock, and committed arson in attacks that caused more than 15,000 people to flee their homes.

Starting on May 21, Al-Shabab forces raided villages in the Merka and Afgooye districts of Lower Shabelle. The region has long been the site of violence involving clan militias, federal government forces, Al-Shabab, and African Union forces, in ever-shifting alliances that have had dire consequences for civilians.

“There is no justification for Al-Shabab abducting civilians and burning down their homes,” said Laetitia Bader, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Al-Shabab is responsible for causing mass flight, but the government needs to address communal tensions and hold those most responsible for abuses to account.”

Human Rights Watch spoke to 25 people in person in Mogadishu and by phone who fled from the two districts to Mogadishu and to Lower Shabelle, as well as to local elders and area experts, and analyzed satellite imagery of 30 villages from the Merka district.

Inter-clan conflict, primarily between the Habar Gidir and Biyomaal clans, has increased in Lower Shabelle since 2013. Both clans have fought with and against Somali government forces and Al-Shabab. Throughout this violence, civilians have been repeatedly targeted in retaliatory attacks.

Since September 2016, tensions and fighting between Al-Shabab and a militia linked to the Biyomaal clan have escalated. In mid-May, fighting intensified around the Biyomaal stronghold in Afgooye district known as KM-50 and was followed by Al-Shabab raids. Al-Shabab attacked villages after several months of calling on their residents to leave their homes, Human Rights Watch said.

“Abdi,” whose real name as with others interviewed is not being used for his protection, told Human Rights Watch that he fled his village, Ceel Waregow: “Al-Shabab accused us of being murtads [infidels] and accused us of joining the government. Some of our elders have talked to Al-Shabab and told them that those without guns should be spared. Initially they used to tax us, take livestock and money, but now they are burning our homes.”

The United Nations reported that Al-Shabab abducted approximately 70 people, including women and children, from KM-50 village during fighting between May 21 and 23. Residents told Human Rights Watch that Al-Shabab stole large numbers of cows, goats and camels – critical for survival in the face of ongoing drought. Local elders said that hundreds of livestock were stolen, many died, and only a fraction have been returned to the community.

Human Rights Watch analyzed satellite imagery showing changes over time recorded between May 8 and July 12, 2017, and found evidence of widespread building destruction in 18 of 32 villages assessed in Merka district. Damage in all cases was consistent with arson attacks that resulted in the probable destruction of several hundred residential and community buildings. Because of partial cloud cover in available satellite imagery, it was not possible to assess the change in many locations in the area and it is possible that the total number of affected villages from the recent attacks is larger than the 18 locations currently identified.

An open source data collection site reported fighting between Al-Shabab and Biyomaal clan militia and government forces in two of the 18 villages in which Human Rights Watch identified property destruction. The UN found that about 100 houses were torched at the height of the attacks in the Merka district and that homes were also burned down in the village of Muuri and KM-50 in the Afgooye district on May 23.

According to the UN, 15,240 people were displaced at the height of the raids from May 21 to 24. A woman from Bullo Mudey, whose father was killed and home burned in an attack said: “How can you stay in a place where there are constant attacks and where children are burned in the houses?”

Many people are displaced within the Lower Shabelle region, with others moving toward the outskirts of the capital, Mogadishu. Those who fled the fighting said they were living in precarious settings where they received little, if any, assistance, lacked shelter, and faced serious health risks.

The international laws of war, which bind all parties to the conflict in Somalia, including Al-Shabab, prohibit attacks directed against civilians and civilian property. The forced transfer or removal of civilians, unless for legitimate military reasons, is a war crime. It is unlawful to take into custody civilians who pose no immediate security threat. Pillage – the forcible taking of private property for non-military use – also violates the laws of war. People who commit serious violations of the laws of war deliberately or recklessly are responsible for war crimes.

“Those who commit war crimes in Somalia should eventually be brought to justice,” Bader said. “However, the government and its backers need to immediately assist the people who escaped the violence.”

For details about Human Rights Watch’s findings, please see below.

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Somalia, please visit:
https://www.hrw.org/africa/somalia

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, July 27, 2017/APO/ — The U.S. Embassy, in partnership with the National Basketball Association (NBA), the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA), and the Ethiopian Basketball Federation, is hosting a two-day basketball clinic for Ethiopian youths from July 29-30, 2017 at the Ras-Hailu Gym in Addis Ababa. Four basketball stars will participate in the two-day clinic and also serve on a panel to discuss “Sports in America: Basketball.” The participating sports envoys are:
Rushia Brown, former WNBA player for Cleveland Rockets
Rondae Hollis-Jefferson, guard for the Brooklyn Nets
CJ McCollum, guard for the Portland Trailblazers
Dikembe Mutombo, former NBA player with Nuggets, Hawks, 76ers & Rockets
The U.S. Embassy believes that sports diplomacy helps transcend cultural differences and bring people together. Participation in sports teaches leadership, teamwork, and communication skills that help young people succeed in all areas of their lives. The Sports Envoys Program takes current and former professional athletes and coaches overseas to lead youth clinics and team building activities, as well as share lessons learned on and off the playing field about the importance of education, community engagement, and respect for diversity.

The United States Embassy in Addis Ababa invites you to attend the following events:

Date: Saturday July 29, 2017 at 8:30 am
Theme: Press Conference and opening of clinic
Venue: Ras-Hailu Gym (see the attached map)
Date: Saturday July 29, 2017 at 3:00pm
Theme: Panel discussion on “Sports in America: Basketball”
Venue: Auditorium, National Archive and Library Agency (NALA). Located in front of Fana Radio

Please RSVP to Zelalem Befekadu (0911 509 522).

Distributed by APO on behalf of U.S. Embassy Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

DJIBOUTI IYO BRITAIN MIDNA SIDII AY SOMALILAND UGU LISTAY UGUMAY HANBAYN, GEEDIGUSE WUU SOCON.
RASHEED A MEIGAG SAMATER

Maalmo yar horteed bay ahayd markii Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibedda Somaliland Mudane Sacad Cali Shire uu si badheedh ah uu cod sare ku dhawaaqay in wixii khatar ah ee soo waajaha dalka iyo dadka reer Djibouti – in Somaliland naf iyo maalma la garab taagan tahay walaalohooda Djibouti, taasoo ahayd u quus goyn ama digniin S/Land u diraysay Dalka Eritrea, ka dib xiisadda Bariga dhexe ee xukumadda Djibouti ku taageertay Sucuuduga, sababtayna in Dawladda Qadar ka gurato ciidamadii nabad-ilaalinta ee kala dhex joogay Djibouti iyo Eritrea, lana dareemay dhadhaqaaq ciidan oo durbadiiba ka bilaabmay xuduudda labada dal.
Waxa intaa ka horraysay illaa iyo gobanimo-doonkii dalka Djibouti in dadka reer Somaliland qayb libax ka qaateen halgankoodii xornimo doonka, nafo qaali ihina kaga baxeen, maalintaas iyo illaa maantanta ay shacabka iyo xukuumadda reer Somaliland mar walba ay walaalnimo daacada la garab joogaan dadyowga reer Djibouti una diyaar yihiin in jiritaankooda iyo madax-bannaanidooda ay ku bixiyaan nafaohooda qaaliga ah.
Waxase nasiib darro ah inaan Xukuumadda Djibouti aanay marnaba ka badheedhin taageeradeeda in S/Land noqoto waddan madax-bannaan oo ku guulaysata inay ka mid noqoto umadaha caalamka. (XAASHA’E LIBIN NIN KAA XISDIYAY XUMIHII WAA YAABE). Meel dhow haddaad ka eegto, Ururka Midowga Afrika iyo IGAD oo Djibouti ka mid tahay ayaa marar badan soo diyaariyay xogo iyo qoraallo qeexaya sida ay S/Land xaq ugu leedahay Gooni-isu-taag, taasoo la filayay in Djibouti oo aan naf iyo maal midna ku bixinayni arrintaasi ay ka muujiso taageeradeeda walaalnimo ee ku aaddan jiritaanka walaalohooda S/Land, hase yeeshee taasi ma dhicin.
Waxa kale oo jira xogo tilmaamaya in aagagga magaalada Saylac iyo agagaarkeedu ka mid yahay meelaha la tilmaamay in laga helo macdanta loo yaqaan Dahabka, muddooyin dheer oo ah xataa illaa iyo Dawladdi Maxamed X Ibrahim Cigaal (AHUN) ayay Xukumadda Djibouti mar walba fara-gelin dhow ku haysay agagarkaasi, taasoo ku kelliftay inuu xuduuddaba xidho,waqtiyo kalena waxa la sheegay inay Djibouti weyddiisatay dalkii burburay ee Libya in lagu taageero soo saaridda macdanaahaas Saylac, hase yeeshee Marxuumkii Qaddaafi (AHUN) uu ka gaabsaday sheegayna in Saylac tahay Somaliland, haddiise Djibouti laga helo Macdan uu taageeri doono. Waqtigan xaadirkana waxa la soo werinayaa in la raro lana qodo dhul badan oo Saylac ku dhow iyadoo marna la leeyahay Djibouti ayaa biyo la’aani haysaa, marar kalena la arkayo baabuur isdaba-taxan oo raraya ciid laga soo qoday Saylac. Haddaba runtu waxa tahay, shacabka iyo xukuumadda S/Land marnaba feejignaan iyo dareen kama qabaan Djibouti – belaayana marnaba kama fishaan, waayo walaalkaa hadduu gurugaaga soo galo, marnaba kama filaysid inuu maryaha xadhigga saran gurto ama kugu soo hago waxyeello kale. Waxase mudnaan lahayd in Dareenkaa walaalnimo ee dadka iyo dawladda Somaliland la yimaaddeen, ay walaalohooda Djiboutina mid la mid ah la qabaan.
Dhinaca Britain, waxa marag ma doonto ah in Ingriisku heshiisyo uu la galay qawmiyadihii degganaa Somaliland uu ku yimid ciidda Somaliland, heshiiskaasoo ay ka mid ahayd inuu ka difaaco cadwga ama wixii khatar kaga imanaya dibeddaha, hase yeeshee khiyaamadii ugu horraysay waa markii uu dhulkii heshiiskaas difaac ku jirey uu kula saaxiibay Ethiopia, siiyayna dhulkii uu difaaca ka saxeexay, taasoo xataa markii uu raaciyay Reserve Area ee ugu daray Ethiopia ay dadka reer Somaliland go’aansadeen inay iyaguna saaraan Ingriis, xornimona doonaan kana baxaaan heshiiskaas oo raadsadaan cudud weyn oo soo celisa dhulkii iyo dadkii laga khiyaameeyay, sidaasna Britain noqotay dawladdii ugu horraysay ee aqoonsata jititaanka xuduuduhii hadhay oo la yidhaa Somaliland.
Muddadii Ingriisku joogay Somaliland dadka reer Somaliland waxay ka dhinac dagaallameen boqortooyadii Ingriiska, Dagaalkii 1aad iyo kii 2aad ee adduunkana iyagoo difaacaya danihii Boqortooyada Ingriiska ayay ku waayeen nafo qaaliyaa oo u dhashay Somaliland. Xataa dagaalkii ugu dambeeyay ee Ingriisku galo ee Falklands ayaa dad reer Somaliland ihi ku qaateen Billado iyo shahaadooyin iyagoo ka garab dagaallama Ingriiska difaacayana Danaha ingriiska.
Arrintaa micneheedu waxa weeye, oo yaab ah, in shacabka iyo dadka reer Somaliland, si badheedh ah u taageereen markii ingriisku u baahnaa, laakiin maanta oo S/Land u baahan tahay uu Ingriisku dafiro jiritanka Somaliland ama go’aansado inuu yidhaa Aqoonsigiinna waxa idin haya kuwii dhibtu idin kala gaadhay, waxay la mid tahay dadkii reer Bosnia ee dhibtu kala gaadhay Dawladdii Yugoslavia ee ay ka midka ahaayeen,oo lagu yidhaa Yugoslavia kala hadla jiritaankiinna, hase ahaatee sidaa may yeeline, dawladaha reer galbeedka oo Ingriiskuna ka mid yahay, ayaa cudud Milateri ku taageeray, ilaa Bosnia Aqoonsi Caalamiya heshay.
Isku soo wada duuboo, labadaa shacab ee Djibouti iyo Britain, labadaba Somaliland dhiig ayay u hurtay jiritaankooda, hase yeeshee iyagu taageero hadal keliya mudan bay kaga bakhayleen – sidii S/Land ugu listayna ugumay hanbayn. Waxase hubaal ah, inay gaabiso waa suura-gal laakiin Geeddigu wuu socon, Somalilandna way ka mid noqon Ummadaha jira ee Caalamka.
WA Billahi Tawfiiq
RASheed A Meigag samater (Hoggaamiyaha Jaaliyadda Somalida EE N. London)

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Aan Nabdaadsho Akhristayaasha sharfta iyo qadarinta iga muddan ee ku xidhan xarunta war-baahineed, Aan idinku soo wareejiyo mid kamid ah Qoraaladii koobnaa ee Sixida iyo Tilmaamid ku dheehnayd ee la xidhiidhay siyasad iyo arimaha muhiimka ah ee Bulshada dhexdooda.

Waxa jirta murti tidhaahda “You understand a play only when you have performed”, taas oo macnaheedu noqonayso “Shaqada iyo waxqabadka waxaad fahmi kartaa marka aad ku dhex jirtid ama aad gacantaada ku qabaneysid” waa mid iska dabeecad ah in hawl marka la qabanaayo ee aad dibada ka joogtid kula fududaato ama aad aaminsantahay in hadii aad ku jirto aad sida ugu fiican u qaban lahayd, waa halka Somalidu tidhaah “Habar fadhida legdani la fududaa” Siyaasadu waa shay isbedel iyo dhinac gedis badan, isla markaana waxay siyaasiga ku qasabtaa in uu hadba dhinac kasoo jeesto, isla markaana marka uu xil ama maamulka uu hayey laga qaado, waxa uu beri ka maalin kasoo jeestaa xisbi kale, kaas oo bilaaba dhaleecayn, cambaarayn iyo wax xun sheegnimo, uu ka tilmaamayo xukummadii ama xisbul-xaakimkii uu taladiisa qaybta ka ahaa. Halka kan dibada ka joogaana uu dhaliilo iyo cambaarayn isdaba joog ah uu u tiirinaayo hadba cida maamulka iyo madaxtinimada haysa, halka hadhow marka uu xil qabto ama uu ku biiro xisbul-xaakimkana siyaasigii hadalka badnaa, aamus iyo firfircooni la’aan ka muuqata shaqadiisa laga dareemo.

Siyaasiga guulaystaa waa hogaamiyaha fiican ee xiliga doorashada ama ololuhu socodo hadalka iyo balanqaadka uu bulshada usoo bandhigaayo ama uu kula hadlaayo ilaaliya, oo iska dhawra taraaraxa iyo in uu raaco laydha siyaasada ee xiligaas taagan, siyaasiga sidaas yeela ee aan balanqaadin balanqaad uu hadhow ka shakisanyahay qabashadiisa waxa uu cagta saaraa wadadii guusha, taas oo ah kasbashada shacabiga.

Siyaasadu waxay u baahantahay aqoon iyo af diblamaasiyadeed oo soo jiidan kara dhamaan bulshadda go,aaminaysa guusha iyo guuldaradda oo siyaasiga looga baahanyahay siddii uu ummadda naftiisa uga iibin lahaa, ee uu isku suuq-geyn lahaa, si loo barto waxa uu galo iyo waxa uu gudo iyo tayooyinkiisa gaarka ah ee ilahay hibadda u siiyey. Inkasta oo aqoonta la bartaa qofka bini-aadamkaa xoogaa qurxiso oo quweyso, hadana aftahannimadda, deeqda, doodda, daacadnimadda iyo hogaaminta suubani waa mid ilahay qofka u dhaliyo oo ilahay marka horeba qayb uu u siiyey qofkaas.

Hadii aan inyar dib ugu noqodo jawaabta dhabta ah ee su’aasha qormadan u ah halku dhiga isla uga jawaabno si aqoon iyo caqli fayow ugu jawaabno, Hogaamiyaha ama siyaasiga maanta Somaliland iyo shacbigeedu u baahanyihiin in ay helaan oo weliba faryaradooda bidix kusoo saaraan, waa mid aan ku iman qabiil iyo qol midna, aan ku iman eex iyo nin jecelaysid midna, aan ku iman dus-dus iyo khiyaamo midna, isla markaana aan ku iman waa hebel oo sidaas ahaan jiray, laakiin ku yimaada doonida shacbiga, leh astaamihii aan kor kusoo xushay oo aan aqoonin kanaa walaalkaa ah iyo kanaa cadawgaaga ah, aan kala saarin dadka oo aan odhan kanaa ii codeeyey iyo kanaan ii codayn, waa midka xaaladdan sicir bararka iyo dhaqaalo la’aanta maanta jirta beri kamaalin kasaari lahaa dalkan iyo dadkan guud ahaan caalamka ka takooran ee ardaaga yar ku oodnaa mudo kudhawaad soddon sannadood.

Wa-bilaahi Tawfiiq
Saxafi /Qoraa Madax banaan.
Mr.Hamse Bashe (Wiyeer-yare)
E-mail: Xamse18@gmail.com
www.facebook.com/wiyeeer
Hargeysa/Somaliland

Moorganaw Dilaalaw, Maad mahadinin Odeygii & Habarta Meeshaba Ku
Keentee, Ku Magacawday Dilaalkii Dekedii, Dalkii & Badiiba Xaraashe Kugu
Xambaarisay Ceebtee, Dilaal aan Xishoon oo Xaynkeeda Xaaraanta ku Xaab-
sada ka dhigtaay.
Moorganaw Xishood Li,i waa Kaa Xaaraan Cunkaa, Xayadii ka tegey Xaynkii Sodohdii Ku Xaabsada aad noqotay.
Moorganaw Xayeyshoow Qayrkii Sodoha wey ka xeeshaan, adna Xaynka Xaawalayda ayaad Ku Xaragootaa.
Moorganaw Xoola Booliya ayey Sodohdaa Ku Xambaarisay, Laakiin Xabsigii Mandheera & Xadhigbaa kuu diyaara.
Moorganaw Ma Xishoode inaad Tahay, Dalkii, Dekedii & Duunyadii & Daarihiiba Dilaashee, Yaa Ku Damiinan Doona.
Moorganaw Magacaagii Maanta Mugdi ku qoran yahay, Umaduna Magacii Ba,i Moorgan Loo Bixiyey weeye.
Moorganaw Maanlaawe inaad Tahay, Odeyga & Islaanta Minankay ku nool yiin & Madbakha maad joogteen.
Moorganaw Shicibku Magacaaga marka ay maqlaan wey ka matagaanoo, waa Madhadhoodhi bay yidhaahdaan.
Moorganaw Magacaagu inuu ba,ay, Magacaasi S/Land u neceb tahay, Samigiisa laguugu maba yeedheen.
Moorganaw Maanlaawe inaad Tahay, Dalka, Dekedii, daarihii & Duunyadiiba maad dareersateen.
Moorganaw Dilaal Daacuun Liqaaya, oo Dibiray oo Dilaacay, oo Dadnimo ka dheertaad tahay.
Moorganaw Magacaagii Murugu ku qoran yahay, Kol hadii Docdii Habartii & Odeygii uu Dul yuururo.
Aniga qoray, Moorgan Magac Xumada Somaliland key u nebcaayeen ayey kala magac dhigeen, ee Ina siyaad
qabay isna ina Siilaanyo qabo, Docda Odeyga & Islaanta ayuu Nin Raga yahay Dhaqan ahaan ma buu soo
fadhiisteen, Laakiin Dilaalkii Somaliland ee Qoyska Siilaanyo Docdooda u dilaala weeye.
Morrganaw, Ma Xishoode, Xoolaha Umada Boobe, xaynka Sodohdii Xaaraanta ku Xalaashade, Dilaalka Dalkii
dekedii, Diyaaradihii, Duunyadii Diirtay Xaqul qalin & Xoola booliya Siistay, Talaw xabaashii & Xaraaradii & naartii
ma Xaynka Aamina Weris & Odeygan Xayeyshka ee Magaciisa & Saxeexiisa Xoolihii ku boobaan, Xaaraanta ku
Daaqaan, ayaa aakhiro Xisaabtii ka Baajin, waa Maya.
Wabilaahi Tawfiiq.

Asha Jama

Ashaa.J@live.nl

“Hannaankii wax lagu dooran jiray ma hayno, duruufaha jiraana ma suurto galinayaan doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah” Dr Maxamed -Culimo

Dimuqraadiyadda Somaliland haatan waa qaan-gaadh marka laga soo bilaabo 31kii May 2001 oo ahayd maalintii la meel mariyey Dastuurka Somaliland ee suurto galiyey nidaanka xisbiyada badan. Waxayse qaangaadhay iyada oo wali foolxun, shuruucdeedana aan la dhawrin. Kuwii sharciga dejinayey, kuwii ilaalinayey, kuwii fulinayey iyo kuwii lagu dhaqayey intuba si joogto ah ayay ugu xadgudbaan shuruucda doorashada.
Qodobka 12aad ee Heshiiska Hab-dhaqanka Xisbiyada Siyaasadda ee Doorashada Madaxtooyadu (code of conduct) wuxuu dhigayaa:
“Hantida Qaranka waa loo siman yahay, loomana adeegsan karo in loogu adeego danaha Xisbi gaar ah. Waxaa reebban in Guddoomiyeyaasha Gobollada iyo Degmooyinka, Maamullada kala duwan ee Xukuumiga ah, iyo Saraakiisha Dawladdu ay u ololeeyaan Xisbi gaar ah”.”
Qodobka 26aad ee (Xeer Lr. 20-2/2005) wuxuu Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka u xilsaarayaa in uu hubiyo in Xisbiyada Qaranku si siman u isticmaalaan warbaahinta dawladda iyo fagaareyaasha khayriyadaha. Qodobku waxa kale oo uu xusayaa in aan Xisbina hantida ummadda u adeegsan karin ujeedooyin u gaar ah.
Waa su’aale, miyaa la dhaqan galiyey qodobbadaas? Maya, lama dhaqan gelin. Si badheeh ah oo aan gabasho lahayn ayaa xukuumadda iyo diraneyaasheedu u jabiyeen. Badhasaabadda gobolladda, maayarrada iyo shaqaalaha dawladdu wayba ku faanaan inay u ololeeyaan xisbiga xukuumadda, waxaana laga yaabaa inay u arkaan in ay sidaas shaqadooda ku ilaashanayaan amaba sed bursiimo ku helaan. Cidna kama qarsoona in aanay xisbiyadu u sinnayn hantida iyo warbaahinta qaranka.
Gudidda Doorashooyinka Qaranku dhawr jeer ayay isku dayeen inay ilaaliyaan sharcigaas wayse ku guul-daraysteen in ay xakameeyaan sharci-jabiyeyaasha. Xukuumaddu oo iyadu u dhaaratay fulinta iyo ilaalinta shuruucda dalka maaha oo kali ah in ay daawanayso shuruucdii doorashada oo lagu xadgudbayo laakiin iyadaa horseed u ah. Waa dhab in jabinta shuruucda doorashooyinku la bilaabantay nidaamka doorashooyinka dalka oo aanay xukuumaddani ahayn tii ugu horraysay ee jabisa, hasayeeshee waxay ahayd in ay wax ka barato khaladaadkii hore u soo dhacay, halkii la taagnaana ay hore innooga sii dhaqaajiso.
Dhinaca kale, dimuqraadiyaddeenu waxay qaan-gaadhay iyadoo wali qabiilku qaranimada ka awood roon yahay, siyaasiguna dadka ka adag yahay oo sida uu doono ugu danaysto. Dad badan ayaa wali la-haysteyaal u ah qabiil, dadka qaarna qoys hoose. Dadka qaar xoriyaddoodii waxay dhaafsadeen dhal dhalaalka adduun, dhuuni, dheemman iyo luul. Dadka qaarna markii ay waayeen aragti horumarineed oo lagu jiheeyo waxay qalbiga u fureen oo lagu qarqiyey aragtiyo taban, qofnimadoodiina waa ay quustay. Waxaynu iska noqonay ma-doorsoomeyaal aan doorinayn wixii khaldan. Tolow halkay innaga martaa aragtidii Gaarriye doorashada ka qabay ee ahayd:
“Gegaa lagu dheelayaa
Shacbigu ka garsoore yahay,
Waxaa guul sheegan kara,
Cidday u gartaan iyagu!”
Doorasho xor ahi kama dhacdo xisbiyada iyo goleyaasha dhexdooda, sidaas daraadeed lama filan karo in ay waddanka oo dhan mid xor ahi ka dhacdo. Tusaale ahaan saddexda musharax ee tartamaya (Muuse Biixi, Faysal Cali Waraabe iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cirro) midkoodna xisbigiisa kagama soo bixin doorasho lala tartamay ee waa la magacaabay.
Dhan waloo aad ka eegto diyaar uma ihin in aynu samayno doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah. Waxaynuse diyaar u nahay doorasho xaalkeedu yahay dhuumasho dhabarku muuqdo. Kolayna waxa soo bixi doona ciddii Ilaahay u calfo ee ma-doorsoomeyaashu doortaan.
Ugu dambayn, waxa la gaadhay wakhtigii doorashooyinkeena la qurxin lahaa. Waxaan ku talin lahaa in siyaasiyiinta lala xisaabtamo, dadkana la xorreeyo oo barnaamij laga dhigto in dadka awooddooda la tuso loona tilmaamo wixii ay dantoodu tahay si ay mustaqbalkana u samayn karaan doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah. Waxaan kaga baxayaa weedhihii ducada ahaa ee ku jiray maansadii Dirsooc ee Ibraahim-Gadhle:
“Ragna xaajo dalab-liyo,
Damac kama dhammaadee,
Allahayoow mid noo daran,
Iyo deeqsi nagu jira,
Kii uurka dabayiyo,
Qalbi daacadoo wacan,
Dannigii calool galay,
Dusha kama arkaynoo,
Allahayow wax naga dedan,
Kula daawan maynnee,
Wiil loo duceeyoo,
Sidii Doonnidii Nuux ,
Dalka iyo dadkaba sida,
Rabbow adigu noo door”
Dr. Maxamed Yuusuf Aw Cali “Culimo”
London, UK
mculimo@yahoo.com

Hir doogliyo Boodh Keebaad Ku Hagaagi ( Abdi-shotaly)?

Marka ay taladu haboon tahay hadaan la gardaadin, oo aan caynka iyo beedda laba-daba lagu giijin, hadhaw marka tallo ay faraha ka haado, ee awrku rarka tuuro, ilayn maaha wax isaga ka yimi oo uu la buubaye, waa farsamo xumayn ka timi qaabka loo raraye, denbiilena uu ku yahay ruuxii hubsiimo la’aan kula deg-degay, taas oo keenaty in gurgur-shihii biyo ma daadshaha ahaa, uu isaggii isla hadlo oo labadda dhegood qabsado, yidhaahona maanta socod-kaagga baa wax ka si yihiin oo aad boobaysaa? mise rarka baan siddii hore loo habayn jiray ka duwan? xagee baa xagal ka daacu ka yimi? denbiga yaa leh talaw? Akhristoow adiga bay ay ku hor yaalaan su’aalahani, ujeeda-duna waxay tahay, hore baan u idhi ( dhawr jeer), Markii uu kii aad damacdeen in uu idiin raro guri barwaaqo ah, uu ku daadiyey llama-degaan iyo giriyaad dhex-doodda, kambalkiina gubey, saw umaydin aayin, markii hashii aad sugayseen in aad ka dheregtaan, markii hortiina kii aad u loogteen boqnaha ku gooyey, wixiinii saw may noqon hal bacada lagu lisay, markhaatiguna waa idinka, waxa maanta taagan, ninka ragga ahi wuu garanayaa nacasna loo sheegi maayo, aniga oo tusaale idinku siin doona hoos, bal horta tixdan gaaban iga gudooma ee ah hogal tusaalaha:-

Naf aan hurdo seexan, intaa hurgu-moota,
Waxay ku hadrayso. humaagay arkayso,
In ay heli doonto, ayaa huba taa?
Bacaadka hashii, haneedka la taabtay,
Ku hoortay camuudda, ruuxii hungurooday,
Muxuu ka haleeli? habeedda burciidda.

Ninkii hayin-kiisa, intuu haro geeyey,
An heeryadda saarin, miyuu haamo dhaamin?,
Inuu ku hungoobi, miyeydan hadaynin?
Hayaan ka la guuro, hadaan sahan reerka,
Hortii la samaynin, halkuu ku furaayo,
In uu odhan haakah ,in uu isku hiifi,

Hir doog-liyo boodh, Kee buu ku hagaagi?
Hig-looy gabal kuu dhac, Dhurwaagad u hoysay,
Hadhuubka u dhiibtay, qabiil ugu hiilis,
Adoo ka haraadan, markii u ka haagay,
Haraatidda laadka, haamii uu ku jiidey,
Haaweydda u loogay, halkaad ka filaysay,

Waxaad ka hadlaysay, hamuuntad la jiiftay,
Intuu hantidaadda, hadhuubka ku qaatay,
Miyuu hanjabaadda, huruufkiyo caydda,
haysheegin yidhaahday, Hadeer ma u ayday,
Ciilkaad la hiq-laysay, waxaad la hogmaysid,
Markaad ku habsaantay, Hal-bawle is gooysay,

Hoggii ku dhawatay, in haadku ku feento,
Halkaa ku abaado, habeenki ciyaarta,
Hoorey kugu qaadini, Intii hore dhaafin,
Hubsiimo ma leeday, in aad is hor-taagtid,
Hogaan cusub dooro, Hilaadi wanaaga,
Ka leexo Hungawga, intaan haragaaga,

Dhiqluu harayuubin, Habruu jil ka soohin.
Horaanse u sheegay, tolaydda ad haysid,
Halkay ku hadraysay, qudhaadda ku hooban,
Hadeer ha u fiirsan, hadhawna ha ooyin,
Hirtaanyo dhibtoodda, halkaa iga jooga,
Hadmaad odhan taa, kuwaa ku hor boodda.

Markii meel cag la dhigo laga soo hoday, ee la soo murdiyey, hantidii ummdda lagu kala tegay, loo kala dheereeyey, baa imika wixii keli ahaa ee hadhsanaa ” Waa sayladdi burco’e” loo soo degsday, oo waad la socotaan shalay iyo maanta in ay isku hor tagaan yihiin ummaddii ka macaashi jirtey iyo Maamulkan Kulmiye, ee loo soo xil saaray Ramaax, waa kan kaba qaadka ah ee ay badhisaab ku sheegaane, oo meeshaba loo keenay in uu beelaha isku diro, sadexdda reer ee wadda degan ( Maxamed Ciise, H.jeclo, H.yoonis), waxa uu Burco ka wadona la wadda socotaan. Maalmihii uu maraayey Kulmiye Gobolka togdheer, kii amaray in Calamadda Waddani la dejiyo isaga buu ahaa, waase uu ka maali wixii uu geestay, hadh cad buu ka dhaqaaqi doonaa Togdheer siddii kaga dhacday Ceerigaabo, Berbera, Awdal ee dilka lagu beegsday, markii uu edebdaradaas la tegay, Burcana Wuu Yaqaan oo waabu u dhashay, waxase la yidhi wan wayni ila ala gawraco, indhihiisi cirka ma arkaane, maalmaa u hadhay, ee si asluub leh ha isu farsameeyo.

U malayn maayo in aan isla dafirsa-nahay, godaloolooyin-koodda nimankaas, haba yaraatee aan wax ay kugu tirsan yihiin ama kuugu filan yihiin jirin, hogaanka aad wax ka sugaysaa waa kaas. Waxa la yidhi mayd yaa u dambeeyey,? iyo kaa la sii sido’e, daraad waa ogaydeen dagaalkii Berbera wixii ka dhacay, Salyac dad hortyeed waa tii lagu dhici waayey, Burco Xamrji mudaaha-raadkii uu isku casilay, ee taliyii Booliiskan loogu bedelay Saylac iyo intii ku dhimatay, waad la socotaan, Hargaysa iyo shaaniddii la isku qarxi-naayey, Xildhi-baanaddii suuqa lagu rasaasay-naayey, kama xog li’idin, Ceerigaabo marka food la doonaayo uun bay tan dawlad ahi tagtaa, Dagaalka ceel-af-weyn ta dabadda ka waddaa waa iyadda ( oo ku shaqaysa qaybi oo xukun), inta jeer ee goboladda dagaal ay ka dhex rideen, ciiddaa camaaray ka badan,, arimihii shidaalka oo weli dhabaqsan meel ay ku dambayna aan la saadaalin karin, maalinba sheeko cusub , faan iyo bakh-bakh lugu maaweeli-nayaa ummadda, ma ay socoteen, ee akhristaw adiga ba alagaa arkay, maanta laba mid dooro, waa kama dambaystii, in aad badbaadiso Somaliland, oo aad doorato Waddani iyo way gawracan tahaye aad haragga uga sii saarto Haadda sugaysa.
Qore:- Abdi-Shotaly

TAARIIKHDA DAWLADA SUCUUDIGA IYO QAABKII LOO AAS-AASAY WAX KA BARO
Qormadii 11` aad Duullaankii Labaad waxa uu bilaabmay markay taariikhdu ahayd : 1228H /1813M
Waxa uu ogaaday Maxamed Cali isaga oo jooga Qaahira in Wiilkiisu aanu dagaalkii wax guulo ah ka soo hoynin markaasna uu ubaahanyahay in ciidamo dheeraad ah iyo taakulayn ba si degdeg ah loogu diro . Ka dibna Maxamed waxa uu soo ka xaystay ciidamado aad ufara badan , waxaanu soo gaadhay Jidda oo uu kula kulmay wiilkiisii iyo colkii uu hogaamiyaha u ahaaba. Maxamed Jidda waa uu iska dhaafay waxaanu tagay Makka halkaana waxa ku soo dhaweeyey Shiriif Qaalib , marku muddo yar ku sugaan Makka waxa uu ka shakiyey shiriif Qaaalib oo uu is yidhi ninkani daaacad kuuma aha ka dibna waa uu xidhay oo xoolihiisii iyo gurigiisiiba waa uu kala wareegay waxaana loo kaxeeyey isagoo maxbuus ah Masar, Masarna waxa loo sii dhaafiyey ( Saaloo niika ) oo ah magaalo Giriigu leeyahay laakiin xilligaas ahayd magaalo uu lahaa Tukigu halkaas oo uu xabsi ku yiillay ku geeriyooday shiriif Qaalib.
Maxamed waxa uu la wareegay maamulkii ciidamada waxaanu sidoo kale dajiyey istaraatijiyaddii ay ciidamadu ku hawlgalilahaayeen . Waxa kale oo uu amar ku bixiyey in ciidamadii ku sugnaa Madiina ay u dhaqaaqaan dhinaca Najid , waxa kale oo uu amray in ciidamadii Daa`if joogayna ay ku ruqaansadaan dhina Bacaadka ee ciidweynta ah, waxa kale oo uu amray in ciidamadiisii saddexaad oo ku sugnaa agagaarka Qanfada oo ka tirsan gobolka Tahaam kuna taal dhulka Saxaraha ah ee ciidweynta ah ay dagaal ku qaadaan halkaas . Ciidamadii Masaaridu waxa ay halkaas kala kulmeen xoogay iska caabin ah oo kaga imanaysay ciidamada Sucuudiga iyo dadka deegaanka ku dhaqan, ugu danbayntiina ciidamadii Masaaridu gacata ayey ku dhigeen magaalada Qanfada, in kasto ciidamada Masaaridu dagaaladii ka socday dhulka ciidlayda ah aanay wax horumar ah oo sidaas ubuuran ka samaynin. Sababtuna waxa ay ahayd ciidamada Masaaridu dagaalka noocan oo kale ah hore umay galin dhulka lagu dagaalamaayeyna aqoon umay lahayn. Markaana waxa dhacday in ciidamada Sucuudigu si fiican ay ugu dagaalamaan halkaas, waxaanay ahayd dhul ay ufududayd sida loogu dagaalamo.
Markii ay qabsadeen ciidamadii Masaaridu Qanfada waxa uu Amiir Sucuud u duray halkaas ciidamo xoojin ah , waxaana markiiba is badalay sidii ay wax u socdeen oo ciidamadii Masaarida dib ayaa si dhakhsa ah loogu riixay dhinaca Jidda waxaanay dib ugu laabteen Jidda. Markii uu arkay Maxamed sida uu dagaalku u socdo iyo dhimaatooyinka soo gaadhay ciidamadiisii waxa uu ka dalbaday dawladii Cusmaaniyiinta taakulayn ciidan iyo kaalmo degdeg ah.
Dhimashadii Sucuud Al-kabiir sannadkii 1229 hijriyada
Sucuud waxa uu geeriyooday waqti ay duruufo dagaal iyo colaadeedba ay ku gadaamnayd Jaziirada carabta oo ay baahina uqabeen reer Aalla Sucaad iyo xulafadoodu ba nin isaga oo kala ah. Laakiin tii Alle ayaa ka soo hormartay oo ah geerida, xilligaasina waxa uu ahaa xilli ay dawlada Sucuudiga faraheedu ka sii baxayeen dhulka Najid oo lagana qabsaday badankiisa . Maantana halkaa ha inoo joogo Maqaalku
Lasoco qaybta 12 aad maalinta jimcaha ah ee fooda inagu soo haysa Insha Allah tacaalaa.
Qalinkii:Maxamed Muuse Cilmi
Bariise_77@hotmail.com/www.facebook/maxamedbariise

“Hannaankii wax lagu dooran jiray ma hayno, duruufaha jiraana ma suurto galinayaan doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah”  Dr Maxamed -Culimo

Dimuqraadiyadda Somaliland haatan waa qaan-gaadh marka laga soo bilaabo 31kii May 2001 oo ahayd maalintii la meel mariyey Dastuurka Somaliland ee suurto galiyey nidaanka xisbiyada badan. Waxayse qaangaadhay iyada oo wali foolxun, shuruucdeedana aan la dhawrin. Kuwii sharciga dejinayey, kuwii ilaalinayey, kuwii fulinayey iyo kuwii lagu dhaqayey intuba si joogto ah ayay ugu xadgudbaan shuruucda doorashada.
Qodobka 12aad ee Heshiiska Hab-dhaqanka Xisbiyada Siyaasadda ee Doorashada Madaxtooyadu (code of conduct) wuxuu dhigayaa:
“Hantida Qaranka waa loo siman yahay, loomana adeegsan karo in loogu adeego danaha Xisbi gaar ah. Waxaa reebban in Guddoomiyeyaasha Gobollada iyo Degmooyinka, Maamullada kala duwan ee Xukuumiga ah, iyo Saraakiisha Dawladdu ay u ololeeyaan Xisbi gaar ah”.”
Qodobka 26aad ee (Xeer Lr. 20-2/2005) wuxuu Komishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka u xilsaarayaa in uu hubiyo in Xisbiyada Qaranku si siman u isticmaalaan warbaahinta dawladda iyo fagaareyaasha khayriyadaha. Qodobku waxa kale oo uu xusayaa in aan Xisbina hantida ummadda u adeegsan karin ujeedooyin u gaar ah.
Waa su’aale, miyaa la dhaqan galiyey qodobbadaas? Maya, lama dhaqan gelin. Si badheeh ah oo aan gabasho lahayn ayaa xukuumadda iyo diraneyaasheedu u jabiyeen. Badhasaabadda gobolladda, maayarrada iyo shaqaalaha dawladdu wayba ku faanaan inay u ololeeyaan xisbiga xukuumadda, waxaana laga yaabaa inay u arkaan in ay sidaas shaqadooda ku ilaashanayaan amaba sed bursiimo ku helaan. Cidna kama qarsoona in aanay xisbiyadu u sinnayn hantida iyo warbaahinta qaranka.
Gudidda Doorashooyinka Qaranku dhawr jeer ayay isku dayeen inay ilaaliyaan sharcigaas wayse ku guul-daraysteen in ay xakameeyaan sharci-jabiyeyaasha. Xukuumaddu oo iyadu u dhaaratay fulinta iyo ilaalinta shuruucda dalka maaha oo kali ah in ay daawanayso shuruucdii doorashada oo lagu xadgudbayo laakiin iyadaa horseed u ah. Waa dhab in jabinta shuruucda doorashooyinku la bilaabantay nidaamka doorashooyinka dalka oo aanay xukuumaddani ahayn tii ugu horraysay ee jabisa, hasayeeshee waxay ahayd in ay wax ka barato khaladaadkii hore u soo dhacay, halkii la taagnaana ay hore innooga sii dhaqaajiso.
Dhinaca kale, dimuqraadiyaddeenu waxay  qaan-gaadhay iyadoo wali qabiilku qaranimada ka awood roon yahay, siyaasiguna dadka ka adag yahay oo sida uu doono ugu danaysto. Dad badan ayaa wali la-haysteyaal u ah qabiil, dadka qaarna qoys hoose. Dadka qaar xoriyaddoodii waxay dhaafsadeen dhal dhalaalka adduun, dhuuni, dheemman iyo luul. Dadka qaarna markii ay waayeen aragti horumarineed oo lagu jiheeyo waxay qalbiga  u fureen oo lagu qarqiyey aragtiyo taban, qofnimadoodiina waa ay quustay. Waxaynu iska noqonay ma-doorsoomeyaal aan doorinayn wixii khaldan. Tolow halkay  innaga martaa aragtidii Gaarriye doorashada ka qabay ee ahayd:
“Gegaa lagu dheelayaa
Shacbigu ka garsoore yahay,
Waxaa guul sheegan kara,
Cidday u gartaan iyagu!”
Doorasho xor ahi kama dhacdo xisbiyada iyo goleyaasha dhexdooda, sidaas daraadeed lama filan karo in ay waddanka oo dhan mid xor ahi ka dhacdo. Tusaale ahaan saddexda musharax ee tartamaya (Muuse Biixi, Faysal Cali Waraabe iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cirro) midkoodna xisbigiisa kagama soo bixin doorasho lala tartamay ee waa la magacaabay.
Dhan waloo aad ka eegto diyaar uma ihin in aynu samayno doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah.  Waxaynuse diyaar u nahay doorasho xaalkeedu yahay dhuumasho dhabarku muuqdo. Kolayna waxa soo bixi doona ciddii Ilaahay u calfo ee ma-doorsoomeyaashu doortaan.
Ugu dambayn, waxa la gaadhay wakhtigii doorashooyinkeena la qurxin lahaa. Waxaan ku talin lahaa in siyaasiyiinta lala xisaabtamo, dadkana la xorreeyo oo barnaamij laga dhigto in dadka awooddooda la tuso loona tilmaamo wixii ay dantoodu tahay si ay mustaqbalkana u samayn karaan doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah. Waxaan kaga baxayaa weedhihii ducada ahaa ee ku jiray maansadii Dirsooc ee Ibraahim-Gadhle:
“Ragna xaajo dalab-liyo,
Damac kama dhammaadee,
Allahayoow mid noo daran,
Iyo deeqsi nagu jira,
Kii uurka dabayiyo,
Qalbi daacadoo wacan,
Dannigii calool galay,
Dusha kama arkaynoo,
Allahayow wax naga dedan,
Kula daawan maynnee,
Wiil loo duceeyoo,
Sidii Doonnidii Nuux ,
Dalka iyo dadkaba sida,
Rabbow adigu noo door”
Dr. Maxamed Yuusuf Aw Cali “Culimo”
London, UK
mculimo@yahoo.com

Hargeysa(Qaran-news)- Cabdi-qani Axmed Askar oo ka mid ahaa gacan-yareyaasha Madaxweyne Ku-xigeenka Somaliland, u qaabilsanaa dhinaca warbaahinta, si hagar la’aan ahna ula soo shaqeeyey, ayaa ilo looga qaateen ahi sheegeen inuu ka quustay xukuumadda iyo xisbiga talada haya oo ku biirayo xisbiga mucaaridka ah ee WADDANI oo beeshiisu taageero weyn u hayso.

Mr. Cabdi-qani Askar oo ah suxufi weyn oo muddo dheer ku soo jiray warbaahinta Somaliland, waxaa uu muddo toban sannadood ka badan tacab badan geliyey oo uu garab taagnaa Madaxweyne Ku-xigeenka Somaliland Md. Cabdiraxmaan Saylici, isagoo ka doorbiday xisbigii UDUB oo beeshiisu taageeri jirtay.
Waxaa ilo lagu kalsoon yahay sheegeen inuu wakhtigan u digo-roganayo xisbiga WADDANI, si uu u saacido Murrashaxa Madaxweyne Ku-xigeenka xisbigaas, Dr. Maxamed Cabdi oo ay isku jufo hoose ka soo wada jeedaan. Warku wuxuu intaas ku daray in Cabdiqani Askar u arkay in wakhti badani kaga lumay taageeradiisii Cabdiraxmaan Saylici oo ku guuldaraystay inuu xil uga magacaabo xukuumadda uu ka tirsan yahay ee wakhtigeedu dhammaaday, iyadoo haddana uu dhawr jeer xilal u magacaabay dad ka soo horjeedi jiray oo Askar ka waayo aragnimo iyo aqoon hooseeya oo ka soo jeeda gobolka Awdal.
Cabdiqani Askar waxaa uu xalay soo dhigay bartiisa facebook, tix kooban oo uu lahaa ALLE ha u naxariistee Abwaan Gaariye, waxaanu yidhi “Midho Darey, Haddaan Beri, Duuduub ku Liqi Jiray, Doorkan Waxaan Hubsanayaa, Dirxi inuu ku Hoos Jiro.”
Waxa kaloo uu qoraalkiisa ku lammaanaa hal ku-dhig kale oo ahayd; “Cid Kasta Ixtiraam, Laakiin Cid Kasta ha Aaminin.”
Qoraalkan sarbeebta ah ee uu asxsaabtiisa la wadaagay, waxaa ka dhashay dood badan oo dadka ku xidhani kaga ra’yi dhiibteen, waxaanay intooda badani qabeen inuu u muuqdo mid ay ka soo dhammaatay taageeradiisii xukuumadda, qaar kalena waxay u turjunteen inuu ka baxayo KULMIYE oo uu gelayo xisbiga WADDANI.

SOMALILAND ECONOMIC DEVELOPEMNT MODEL: MIXED ECONOMY
July 2017, Hargeisa

Somaliland economy can now be characterized as a pure capitalism. Many private enterprises thrived over the years and a small percentage of the society has amassed wealth while the great majority of the population is in abject poverty. The role of the state is very small compared to the private enterprises. The government budget is around 300 million dollars. This relatively small budget is hardly enough for covering the salaries of the civil servants and the security institutions. Government expenditure on infrastructure is almost negligible, not to mention any social security benefits. The government runs some electricity and water supply services, but these are very limited and do not cover more that 20% of the demand.
In this section, an attempt is made to briefly highlight the different economic models and, in the end, the model that best suites Somaliland is analyzed.
Marxism Model is the economic model (system) that was followed by the former Soviet Union. This model is still being applied in some countries like Cuba.. This model advocates for total control by the government over all economic resources of the country. Everything is public and private ownership of assets is not allowed. This economic system has almost disappeared and is becoming extinct.
Capitalist Model is the opposite of Marxism. Under this economic model, all properties must be privately owned since all properties were created by individuals according to them. Under this model, the government can manage only some public goods like the national defense. The taxation role of the state is also accepted under this model. However, according to this model, the government must not run any business enterprise that can be privately managed. Under this model, the market forces of supply and demand are the engines of the economy. Every business activity must be left to the private business firms whether individually owned or owned by a group of people.
Mixed Economy model is a mixture of the previous two models. While the private sector takes the lead, the public sector is not ignored. The state runs some public enterprises. The argument for the public sector (state owned enterprises) is that the private sector might not function in a perfect manner in all cases. In under-developed economies, like Somaliland, the private enterprises might not succeed in the successful industrialization of the economy. The reason could be the lack of access to sufficient capital or unwillingness to take the risks involved in large-scale capital intensive projects. When access to financial capital is a constraint like the case is in Somaliland, the government shall borrow funds from international creditors and shall jointly establish capital intensive projects with local companies. Similarly, the government can make joint venture projects with international partners, either with governmental or with private organizations.
Public Private Partnership (PPP) Policy
The PPP policy of economic development is a mixed economy policy that aims at the acceleration of economic development for the least developed countries in the world. The rationale for this policy is the assumption that the government can raise investment funds for the implementation of large-scale projects that are critical for the achievement of the two main goals of increasing employment and the industrialization of the country. On the other hand, the private sector in these least developed countries is assumed to have gained the managerial capacities to manage large-scale projects but the problem of the sector is capital constraint. In other words, the financial sector of these countries is not strong enough to provide the financial resources that the entrepreneurs in these countries need to finance the mega projects that would enable the respective countries to take off economically. The PPP policy addresses the financial constraint of the private sectors and the inefficiency problems of the state institutions by combining the government’s financial resources with the management of the private sector. In this way, the government and selected business organizations (national or international) establishment business enterprises in certain sectors of the economy that contribute most to increasing employment and industrialization in order to speed up economic growth in the country.
In Somaliland, the introduction of the PPP policy is the need of the hour. It is obvious that the private has amassed managerial capacities over the last quarter of a century but the industrial base is very week and requires great impetus from the government that is expected to be elected in November this year.
The new government shall assign its economic and legal advisors to draft the PPP policy that should be passed into law through the national parliament. The economists and legal experts who are working on the policy document shall visit selected number of developing countries who can share their mixed economy legislation and practice with the Somaliland government. The economists should also do the write-up of the proposal documents for the PPP business projects that would be financed during the coming 5 years through PPP policy. The newly elected president also expected to establish the government that shall implement the PPP projects over the coming 5 years and beyond.
The Somaliland government partners like the British, the USA, the Swedish and Arab governments are supposed to funds the PPP projects. Any other donor or creditor organizations would be welcome to come on board and contribute to the implementation of this policy in Somaliland. However, the financing terms of any funding agreement by the international partners would be based on the profit sharing principle since the Somaliland constitution does not allow interest based transactions of any kind.

Abdirashid Ahmed Guleid
abdirashidaa@gmail.com