Former Turkish Ambassador to Somalia, Dr. Olgan Bekar, was named Turkey’s special envoy in the Somalia-Somaliland talks early this year. He is a well-known diplomat in Somalia and the larger East Africa region. He served as the Turkish Ambassador in Mogadishu – Turkey’s largest diplomatic mission in Africa – from 2014 to late 2018. He oversaw a diplomatic mission that played a crucial role in acting as a trusted mediator in Somali politics – often arbitrating between the Federal government and the mutinous and unruly Federal member states in Somalia – and channelling the global humanitarian attention and focus to Somalia in the event of menacing droughts and national disasters like Al-Shabaab terrorist attacks.

Over the years Turkey has emerged as a solid, reliable, and benevolent diplomatic interlocutor in Africa since president Erdogan paid that maiden visit to Somalia in the hey-days of the 2011 detrimental famine that engulfed the whole of East Africa. The humanitarian programs were swift, precise and worthwhile. They saved vulnerable lives and communities in Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia and Djabouti. In the days since then, Turkey’s image as a historical and genuine partner of African states was explicit and apparent to the political classes and the masses.

The geopolitics of the Somali peninsula and the larger East Africa region are shifting swiftly and arbitrarily. Regional players, the Gulf nations, the EU and the U.S. are watching Turkey’s diplomatic and humanitarian initiatives closely. Turkey’s role in the Somalia-Somaliland talks will be consequential. The Somaliland issue is capricious, volatile and topsy-turvy: the stakes are high; violence and emotions are rampant; the political elites are armed with self-serving rhetoric and non-negotiable positions and principals. However, hope in renewed talks isn’t over: earlier this month Somalia’s president reaffirmed his commitment to the Somalia-Somaliland talks spearheaded by Turkey.

Somaliland: Swinging between tribalism and a ‘statehood’?
Since the collapse of the Somali Nation’s state in the ouster of Siad Barre in 1991, no strong or stable authority emerged to fill the political lacuna that emerged. Warlord zones, rebel territories, Islamist militias and tribal fiefdoms scattered the country. However, two rebel groups (predicated on tribal interests and sentimentalities) that played a central role in deposing the military regime of Siad Barre successfully formed autonomous administrative zones: Somaliland and Puntland. The rest of Somalia was under the mercy of brutalizing warlords and tribal militias that tried to over-run each other – elongating the civil war as the international community watched.

Somaliland was formed right after the Somali civil war showed no signs of abating. Tribal elders from the respective tribes coalesced around the tribal militias, and penned down a consensus to establish a peaceful administration. This local grass-root effort brought stability and peace to the North-Western regions – that were named British Somaliland, a courtesy of Colonial heritage and legacy. Ironically, the tribal leaders and elders named the newly formed administration Somaliland, instead of finding a more culturally relevant name. In its initial phases of establishment, secession was not in the agenda and in the consensus framework agreed upon by the elders; in-fact its first leadership cadre was filled with veteran Somali nationalists, freedom fighters and Siad Barre regime military and intelligence officers.

The Eritrea independence referendum of 1993 bolstered the confidence and secession voices within Somaliland. The administrative framework that was established to maintain peace and harmony – unlike the southern parts of Somalia – morphed into a political administration seeking independence and self-determination. This agenda was propagated by tribal elites while other tribes and communities in the peripheries of the administration were indifferent or sceptical of the success of such a political dispensation. Since then, Somaliland was a success story. Carrying out every socio-political step the South of the country could not achieve.

Somaliland had successfully held democratic local and presidential elections, the region prospered under the peaceful bliss economically and socially. Administrative organs are efficient and functioning and the region exudes an image of a state. However, rancid tribalism and violence are not out of the picture, freedom of the press and unionist voices and sentiments are brutally suppressed. Markus V. Hoehnea Somali studies scholars observe how, British Somaliland, once a vibrant epicentre of Somali nationalism and Somaliweeyn ideology has become the burial place of all these ideals that thrived in the 1920-50s.

Precursory talks: Chevening house declaration to the Ankara Communique
Relatively productive and substantial talks between the Somalia and Somaliland administration occurred during the transitional government periods. The first of such talks were held in June 2012 in the United Kingdom. The then UK government, along with the EU and Norway undertook efforts to bring the two sides to talk and open a national discourse on their respective political positions. The meeting took place in the famous Chevening house and a general framework was declared to maintain and enhance talks. The then UK foreign secretary, William Hague termed the Chevening declaration as a landmark, and congratulated ‘‘the Somali Transitional Federal Government and Somaliland representatives on agreeing the Chevening House Declaration yesterday.’’

This initial meeting was followed by a subsequent meeting in Dubai. The president of Somalia, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed met the president of Somaliland administration, Ahmed Silanyo. This was the first time that the leaders of the two sides met. Somaliland maintained its position of secession, whereas Somalia reiterated that the talks be continued so as to ventilate the issues. Then a year later, the two leaders met in Ankara in the presence of former Foreign Minister Ahmed Davutoğlu. The Ankara communiqué was signed on 13 April, 2013. In the communiqué, the Chevening and Dubai declarations were to be upheld, commitment to dialogue was strengthened, inflammatory language was to be avoided by both parties and a meeting was proposed to be held in Istanbul.

Turkey and the international community are incessantly putting effort for the Somali regime and the Somaliland administration to continue the talks despite the entrenched differences. Both sides are adamant about their positions: Somalia outright rejects any form of secession and Somaliland considers political independence its own right. Turkey’s role in the talks are crucial and paramount for the whole Somali nation and East Africa’s ever contested issues of secessions, sovereignty and political autonomy. Challenges are in abundant in the Somaliland issue. But Turkey is a trusted and reliable mediator.

Since the 2013 Ankara communiqué the Somalia-Somaliland talks had stalled. Lack of political will and the intervention of a trusted third party contributed to this surcease. Turkey offered a life-line to the talks by appointing a special envoy. Both sides welcomed this diplomatic gesture by Ankara. Other regional powers are also manoeuvring their course of actions. The Saudi-UAE axis that is worried by Turkey’s influence in East-Africa and the red-sea and Somalia’s neutrality in the Qatar blockade are watching closely. Somaliland administration president Musa Bihi travelled to Dubai on 10 March for bilateral talks – and definitely Turkey’s role and the talks will be inevitably discussed by the Emiratis.

Somaliland’s perspective in the talks are crystal clear. They anticipate full political recognition at all costs. They are aware of Turkey’s stand in the Iraqi Kurdistan referendum and the Catalan referendum of 2017. But they are aware that Turkey has so far dealt with Somaliland fairly: they have received humanitarian, capacity-building and scholarship opportunities just like any other Somali region. Turkey’s commitments are also apparent, being the only nation with a special envoy for the talks. The international community’s interests in the Somaliland issue is dwindling; Turkey is offering a life-line for the talks and an amicable solution in the long-run.

The way forward: Turkey’s consecrated arbitration role in East-Africa
The Somaliland issue has become complex over the years: it is enmeshed and entangle with both regional and international geopolitics and interests. Somalia and the Somaliland administration are aware of this and leveraging the situations against each other. Somaliland has depicted itself as a bastion of peace, stability and democracy in the global stage – and this is undeniable. Moreover, the administration offers itself as an alternative to the Somali government (often releasing counter-statements whenever Somalia does in geopolitical issues); this has interested the gulf and regional nations who view they lost Somalia and Djibouti geopolitically to Turkey and China. Gulf nations, the UAE in particular is undermining the Somali government in Mogadishu and the Somaliland administration is propped-up as a more-friendly geopolitical partner – the UAE even courts and woos other Somali states in the Federal government.

Moreover, Somaliland is even getting more complex internally. Unionist voices are clearly making their stand in rejecting any form of secession: the Maakhir region incorporated itself into the neighbouring arch-rival Puntland; the Khaatumo region and its populations turned out to be staunch Somali nationalists; whereas in Boorama and Zeila, secession sentiments are drying-up. A resurgent Somali state in Mogadishu (though with all its challenges and short-comings) has worried the Somaliland administration. Internationally recognized secession is absent, and if there is no solution to this dead-end, Mogadishu would ultimately come to impose its political and geographical sovereignty in Hargeisa.

Furthermore, the Somaliland issue is quite ironical: its population flocks to Garowe to get Somali national passports and travel with it globally; they are represented in the Somali parliament and government (the deputy prime minister and speaker of the senate being from Somaliland); yet the political elites in Hargeisa beat the drums of secession. Tribal elite interest is at the nexus of the Somaliland issue: the secession argument is a top-down formulated political agenda; the presence of politicians, artists and intellectuals in Mogadishu underlines this; and within Somaliland, the secession issue is indexed to tribalism and regionalism – the Maakhir, Khaatumo and Awdal states issue confirms this. It is these ambiguities that made the international community to hesitate from recognizing Somaliland – the Eritrean dictatorial regime and the South-Sudan civil war made matters even worse for Somaliland’s prospective secession.

The Somaliland issue is extremely delicate and complex. Numerous power centres have vested interests. Turkey, through its envoy Olgan Bekar, will have to tread a tight rope. The political elite’s interests are crucial in the Somaliland issue. Somalia has to guarantee constitutionally, a fair share of power-sharing scheme with the elites in Hargeisa and have them integrated into the national politics. Somaliland is economically huge and vast in population; it can even become the political engine of Somalia and shape the nation’s future body-politics. The possibilities for fruitful results are high and miscalculations can equally result in detrimental gridlocks. Turkey plays a significant and important role in Africa, now it can bring Somalia and the Somaliland administration to the table and arbitrate a long-lasting solution for all.

Source The New Turkey

HIIL HESHEY HIMILADII.

Badhtamihii sanadkii 1991, waxa Geeska Afrika ka dhacey is-bedel siyaasadeed oo mugleh, markii ay mar qudha burbureen labadii xukuumadeed ee ugu awooda badnaa oo colaad qarniyo soo jiitameysey ka dhexeysay. Xukuumadahaa burburey oo muddo dheer ka talinayey waddamada Ethiopia iyo Soomaaliya waxa kale hogaaminaayey Colonel Mugiste Haile Maryam iyo General Maxamed Siyaad Barre, waxaana burburkooda sabab u ahaa jabhadiihii halganka hubeysnaa la galey ee kala ahaa EPLF(Eritrean People’s Liberation Front) iyo SNM(Somali National Movement). Halgankaas oo kala bilaabmey 01 sept 1961 iyo 6 april 1981.

Maanta, 30 sanno kadib, juqraafiyada Geeska Afrika ee Beesha Caalamku aqoonsantahey waa 4 waddan (Ethiopia, Soomaaliya, Djibouti iyo Eritrea), halka 1991 ka hor ay aheyd 3 waddan (Ethiopia, Soomaaliya iyo Djibouti ). Jabhadii EPLF, markey dalkii Eritrea si buuxda gancanta ugu dhigtey waxey muddo gaaban gudaheed ku guuleysatay ka midha dhalinta hadafkeedi ahaa in ay Beesha Caalamku u aqoonsato Dal ka madax banana Ethiopia. Haddaba su’aalaha la isweydiin karo ayaa ah : maxaa keeney in jabhadii EPLF ku guuleysatay ka midha dhalinta hadafkeedi, halka Jamhuuriyada Somaliland oo ka dhalatey halgankii SNM ay wali baadigoob ugu jirto aqoonsi siyaasadeed oo ay Beesha Caalamka ka hesho?.

Inta aynaan aqoonsiga siyaasadeed ee Somaliland u gelin, bal aynu dib u yara milicsano halgankii dheeraa, jidkii qodxa badnaa iyo waayihii ururka EPLF usoo marey Xoreynta Dalkiisa, maadama uu maanta xidhiidh la filaayo in uu sii xoogeysto ka dhex bilaabmey Somaliland iyo Eritrea. Sanadkii 1952 waddamadii ku guuleystey dagaalkii labaad ee Dunida waxey Ethiopia abaal marin u siiyey dalkii Talyaanigu gumeystey ee Eritrea. Toban sano kadib 1962, waxa bilaamey dhaq-dhaqaaqi xoriyad doonka Eritrea oo u hormood ka ahaa ururkii la baxey ELF(Eritrean Liberation Front). Haddaba sida caadada ah urur kasta oo xoriyad doon ah wuxuu soo maraa marxalado kala duwan, tiiyo mararka qaarna dhacdo in hadafkii ururka loo asaasaey lumo, halkaana dha-dhaqaaqi ku bas-beelo. Nasiib darro ELF kama uu badbaadin carqaladaha lasoo darsa ururada Xoriyad doonka, waxaana sanadkii 1970 ELF dhexdiisa ka qarxey khilaaf xoogan oo soo kala dhex galey madaxdii Ururka. Khilaafkaas oo salka ku hayey jidka xoreynta waddanka loo marayo, iyo waxa laga yeelayo codsi xukuumadii Ethiopia ee Boqor Haile Selasi ka yimi oo ku saabsanaa in wada-hadal dagaalka lagu soo afjaro. Khilaafaas ELF ka dhex dhashey waxaa kala hogaaminayey Godoomiyaha Ururka, Hamid Idris Awate iyo Isaias Afwerki. Khilaafkii siyaasadeed oo xal loo wayey ayaa ugu dambeyntii keeney in loo kala jabo laba garab, ELF garabkii hore u jirey iyo garab cusub oo la baxey EPLF, hogaamiyena loogu doortey Isaias Afwerki. Nasiib darro waxa labadii garab ee ELF iyo EPLF ka dhex qarxey dagaal aad loogu hoobtey, xoreyntii waddankana dib u dhac ku keeney. Dagaalkii labada garab oo in ka badan 10 sanno socday ayaa 1981 lasoo afjarey, kadib markii EPLF ee Isaias Afwerki hogaaminayey milateri iyo siyaasiyanba guuleystey. Guushi EPLF kadib waxa la dardar geliyey hadafkii guud ee ahaa xoreynta Waddanka, mar haddi garabkii wadahadalka rabey loo awood sheegtey, lana tirtirey dhamaantii. Khilaafkii siyaasadeed markii awood milateri lagu xaliyey, lana kala adkaadey waxa fududaatey in sanadkii 1991 bishii shanaad Waddankii la xoreyo, kadib markii Xukuumadii Mengeste Haile Maryam burburtey. Aqoonsigii siyaasadeed ee Eritrea heshey 1993, laba sanno kadib xoreyntii Dalka, waxa fududeeyey laba arrimood oo is biirsadey: waa mida koobaadee Ururkii EPLF wuxuu dalka gacanta ku dhigey tiiyo khilaad aanu dhexdisa ka jirin, Madaxdiisa oo mideysan, mucaarid ka daba qeylaya aanu jirin iyo shacab u hogaansan amaradda Dawlada cusub. Arrinta labaad ee Aqoonsigii siyaasadeed ee Eritrea saacidey waxa ay aheyd arrin “Geopilitics” ah, Waddamo awood ku leh saaxada siyaasada ee Dunida ayaa Eritrea taagero la garab taagnaa.

Sannadkii 1993, Markii AHN, Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal, Borama Madaxweynihii Labaad ee Somaliland loogu doortey waxa uu yidhi “SNM intii ay halganka ku jirtey marna lagama maqal waddanka waanu kala go’neynaa. Agoonsigu maa ahaa wax hadiyad loo bixiyo, dalkayaga markaanu dhisano, dawladayada dejino, bil-qasab buu ku iman, dan baa keeni, dunidu way isku daneystaa, waxa wax walba ka horeeya in dalkayaga aanu dhisano. Haddi dunidu aragto in aanu anagu hawshayada ka soo baxney, oo dawladayadu dalka si buuxda gacantu ugu qabato, nina loga baryimaayo markaas agoonsi. Nimankii wadan xoreyay laba sano ayaa la dayacey. Qolada Eretrea markii ay Asmara galeen, nin walba intii qorigii laga qaadey ayaa mejerafad loo dhiibey, laguna yidhi wadankii waa xor ee shaqeeya, wakhtigii qorigu wuu dhamaadee.”

Somaliland, oo muddo 25 sanno ka badan aheyd waddanka keli ah Geeska Afrika ku dhaqma dimuqraadiyada Reer Galbeedku ku faanaan ayey haddana dibomaasiyiinta Caalamku indhaha ka dul lalin jireen. Tan iyo gooni isu-taageenii, Xukuumadihii dalka hogaamiyey waxay raadinayeen sidii ay Dunida dereenkeeda u soo jiidan lahaayeen si loo helo maalgashi dhaqaalaheena kor u qaada, saboolnimadana inaga saara. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, tani iyo horaantii sannadkii 2015, markii Jabhada Shiicada xukunkii ka caydhisey Madaxaweynihii Yemen Mansour Xadi iyo bilowgii xulufada Sacuudigu hor kacaya ay soo faragelisey qalalaasaha ka aloosan Yemen, waxa isa soo tarayey isbedel stratejiyadeed oo Mandaqada Geeska Afrika iyo waddamada ku xeeran Bada Cas iyo Gacanka Cadmeed aad looga dareemey. Isbedelka Stratejiyadeed ee ka dhashey dagaalka qarsoon ee u dhexeeyey Sacuudi Carabiya iyo Iraan ayaa indhaha caalamka ku soo jeediyey Somaliland iyo Eritreya.

Somaliland, walow ay tahey wadan Dawladnimadu u dhameystiran tahey, haddana waxey muddo rubuc qarni ah dedaal dheer ugu jirta sidii ay Beesha Caalamka xubin buuxda uga mid noqon laheyd. Faa’iidooyinka Dhaqaale iyo siyaasadeed ee Somaliland ka heshey Salidhiga Emaaraat iyo maalgashida DPW marka laga tago, waxa kale oo xidhiidhka Emaaratka aynu ka dhaxalney Tiir Diblomaasiyadeed oo aynu cuskano. Waana ta maanta keentey in Waddamada Geesku garowsadaan in Somaliland ayna marnaba ka maqnaan Karin isbedelka nabadeed ee Mandaqada uu ka curiyey Ra’isul Wasaaraha Ethiopia, Inskatoo Dawlada Soomaaliya ee taagta darran isku deydey in ay Somaliland go’doon siyaasadeed geliso iyadoo is laheyd ka faa’ideyso dabeysha nabadeed ee Ethioipia ka soo bilaabantey. Nasiib wanaag uma ay suurta gelin oo waxa aad inoo taagerey Isutaga Imaaratka Carabta oo maanta lexejeclo siyaasadeed inaga leh. Emiraatku wuxuu Waddamada Geeska, kuwooga ugu Awooda badan(Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda iyo Eritrea) aaminsiiyey in Dadka iyo Dalka Somaliland muhiim u yahey heshiisyada iyo iskaashiga Geeska Afrika lagu nabadeynayo.

Agoonsiga Siyaasadeed ee Somaliland marka Waddamada Reer Galbeedka la weydiiyo, waxay mar walba iskaga riixi jireen Dalalka deriska la ah Somaliland iyo Soomaaliya. Siyaasadii Arrimaha Debeda ee Somaliland waxey maanta soo hoysey Guul weyn mar haddi 5 waddan oo ka mid ah Urur Goboleedka IGAD(Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sout-Sudan, Kenya iy Uganda) qadiyadeeni gooni-isu taaga garawsadeed. Wafdigii Wasiirka Arrimaha Debbada Eritrea hoogaaminaayey ee Somaliland soo booqdey wuxuu horseed u yahey Waftiyada dhowaan la filayo in ay ka yimaadaan Dalalka Kenya, Uganda, South-Sudan iyo Ethiopia. Himliadii Shacabka xarrirta ee Somaliland waxey maanta heshey hiil iyo Garab lagu diirsado.

Maxamuud-Yaasin Cabdillai Cali

Brussels,

Belgium

Mederka1966@gmail.com

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Sawirka Todobaadka

Waxba ma fahmo waayo Runtaan ka dhuuntaa.( go beyond the analytic mind)
Dhibaata kasta oo igu dhacda, mahayo wadadii xalkeeda,waxaan ku ilaawaa dhibtaas duruufaha ilbidhiqsi kasta noloshayda kusoo kordha ee maalinlaha ah, midba mid bay idhiibtaa,ma dhibsado oo waan iskala noolaadaa,anoo ka dhuumanaya xaqiiqada nolosha i hortaagan ee aanan xalba u haynin(Concealing the contrary of the reality).
Qiimaha qofku leeyahay wuxuu ku xidhan yahay waxa uu qabto wanaagiisa iyo xumaantiisaba, Heerka aynu marayno waxay dacaayadu ka mid tahay Tool-ka ugu muhiimsan ee wax la isugu sheego waayo itaalkeena ayaa halkaa ina dhigay,Cabsida shakhsi walba ku hareeraysan waxaa sabab wayn u ah cidii ku haboonayd in la xidho ayaa wax la dhagaystaa.

Waxaa jiraa dad u dhiban dulmi ay galeen oo ay fududahay in ay ka bogsadaan.
#Dhoohane waa marxaladda aynu dhexmushaaxayno waxaynu dugsanaa dareen aan dan inoogu jirin #qabyaaladd waa cudur aafo ah waa nidaamka kaliya ee dadka lagu kala qaybiyay ee aan abidkeed faaido laga dheefsan, waa “package of all problems” waa cilmi khariban oo wax lagu boobo 1960 ilaa hadda 2019 Reero ayaa laga sheekayaa dadka ku dhintay malaayiin kama yara, dad iyo duunyo laga faaiday ma jirto.
Dhoohane (Dhoohane afsoomaaliga waa qof isaga dhiigiisa lagu taajiro oo laakiin isagu aan is ogayn) waa cid u afduuban dan been ah oo cidi ku guurayso ogow adaa eersan doona “ilaahay ha inna wada caafiyo Dhamaanteen” Dawladda hadii wax inoo qabato si cadaalad ah iyadda ayaa reer inoo ah danteenuna ku jirtaa, Hadii ay wax inoo qaban waydana heshiiskay inala gashay ee labada daraf ahaa “aan ku doorto ee waxaa ii qabo” haday qaban waydo inaguna waynu ka bixi karnaa heshiiskaas sharciguna sidaas waa ogolyahay.

#DhibaneDhibgayste wuxuu ka mid yahay bulshadeena waa dhibane haddana dhib ku foogan, wuxuu ku jiraa xaalad mugdi badan, waa matalayaasha inoogu cadcad, Meelkasta oo uu joogo wuxuu ku jiraa cidhiidhi,se Xariifna wuu isu haystaa “Never Trust your own brain” ku darso hadalkasta oo uu maqlo ama arko wuxuu ka baadhayaa wax u eeg in ay ku jirto,inta ku xidhana ma aaminsana ee ninba ninbuu sii daba dhigay “Xanta iyo dhaqdhaaqa ii dhagayso” dadkan ku xidhani waa dad fahansan laakiin dulqaadanaya fariidnimo ayay isaga ula eegtahay Dhibgaystahani hadii aanu dhib galin waxanba iskumuu hawleen alla ha usahlo.

Qiimaha qofku leeyahay wuxuu ku xidhan yahay waxa uu qabto wanaagiisa iyo xumaantiisaba, ilaahayna wuxuu inoo sheegay qofka xaqqa aan ku leeyahay gutaa inuu liibaanay.

Xaqqa ilaahay inaggu leeyahay.

1-Xaqqa Xuska iyo gudashada waajibaadkiisa
2-Xaqqa macaamilka dadkiisa.
3-xaqqa ucadaalad falka masuuliyad kasta oo aad hayso.
4- Xaqqa qoyskaaga ubadkaaga iyo xaaska.
5- Xaqqa usamafalka umaddisa karaamaysan.

Dhinackasta oo aad ka eegto ilaahay intuu inna faray midba midbay ku xidhan tahay mana kala maarmi karto, hadii aynu u gudano si wanaagsan waxaynu ku noolaan doonaa cisi iyo sharaf. Ilaahayna ha inna garansiiyee dhamaanteenba.

Haddaba waqtigaaga haku lumin inaad cid xumayso waxay ku galin kartaa dhib aanad waligaa kasoo kaban doonin.
Haddalka Xaqqa ah waa sadaqo!

Ahmedyasin Sh cumar Sh Ahmed Furre

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China is certainly not the only country with predatory fishing fleets, but its boats are the ones that have been invited into our territorial waters by a foreign power.

An oasis of stability in a volatile region, Somaliland has long safeguarded our maritime zones from piracy, terrorism and crime, including illegal fishing. Thanks to the responsible stewardship of our coastal ecosystem, Somaliland’s territorial waters are home to hundreds of fish species. For this reason, conservationists and diplomats alike should be alarmed by neighboring Somalia’s recent decision to grant licenses to Chinese companies to fish in Somaliland territorial waters. Unless the international community intervenes, 850 kilometers of Somaliland’s coastline and 70,000 square kilometers of its exclusive economic zone will soon become vulnerable to exploitation by foreign commercial entities, putting at risk yet another fragile coastal ecosystem in Africa.

Somaliland and Somalia have a long and complicated history. A former British protectorate, Somaliland secured its independence from the United Kingdom in 1960 and was subsequently recognized by numerous governments, including the United States. Shortly thereafter, Somaliland voluntarily joined with the former Italian Somalia to create the Somali Republic, which over time became subject to autocratic rule and civil conflict. In 1991, the Republic of Somaliland reclaimed its independence, building a successful democratic state despite the ongoing violence in neighboring Somalia. Yet to date it remains unrecognized by the international community.

Fishing in Somaliland is much the same today as it has been for generations, contributing to the preservation and protection of a pristine marine environment. Four thousand miles away, along the coast of West Africa, overfishing is driving many aquatic species to extinction and threatening local livelihoods and food security. Somaliland has watched these developments with great concern.

China is certainly not the only country with predatory fishing fleets, but its boats are the ones that have been invited into our territorial waters by a foreign power. With this access, trawlers’ heavy nets will destroy our oceanic habitats, stunting reproduction and exacerbating declines in fish populations. Further, the non-selective nature of most trawlers catches both marketable and undesirable fish alike while dumping waste material and ballast water could have devastating effects on rare native species. Somalia’s licenses are meant for China to catch tuna; however, dolphins, whales, porpoises and the endangered dugongs are likely to be swept up as well. Somaliland’s small fishing fleet cannot compete with Chinese vessels and the advanced technology that they employ. It is said that one Chinese ship can catch as many fish in a single week as the average fishing boat in Africa can catch in an entire year. Across Africa, this disparity drains economies of billions of dollars, driving local fishermen into crime, terrorism and piracy.

Source Defense one

Ab-tirsataye ayaad tahay?

Soomaalidu waa qomiyad balaadhan oo degta geeska afrika,waa qoomiyada ugu deegaanka weyn qoomiyada afrikaanka ah, waxay deegaan ahaan ku fidsanyihiin bariga-afrika sidoo kale intii ka danbaysay dagaaladii ka bilowday kun iyo sagaal boqol iyo sideetamaadkii wadankii laysku odhan jirtay Soomaaliya waxay ku baaheen dunida dacaladeeda,taas oo hada aanay jirin dalalka aduunka ugu weyn ama magaca leh ee qaaradaha Kala duwan kuyaala mid aanay soomaali degeneyn haday tahay yurub, ameerika ,aasiya,ustareeliya iyo afrikada Ka durugsan deegaamada soomaalidaba.

Soomaalidu waa qomiyad leh AF iyo dhaqan ayka simanyihiin oo af-soomaali iyo dhaqan soomaali loo yaqaan,siddoo kale Soomaalidu waxa ay isku gartaan Qabiilooyin ay ukala baxaan taas oo ay isku tooyadaan iskuna tolaystaan abtirsiin ay Oday ugu arooraan oo u Ab-tirsadaan, hase yeeshee waxa aan jirin meel ama Oday kulmiya oo ay soomaalidu kusoo wada arooraan ,waxa dhacda in qabiilada waaweyn ee soomaalida midiba meel Ku arooro haw badnaadaan sheekhakh carbeede hadana waxa layaableh in aanay jirin qabiiladaa qabiil leh carab-baanu nahay oo ku faanaaya kana faanaaya soomaalinimada waa cajiib!.

Hadaba Qoomiyada Soomaalida ah 3 arimood ayaa kusoo kordhay ,

1, in qabiiladii sii sarifmeen oo sii Kala fircameen siina Kala fogaanayaan oo sida xaal u muuqdo MaR hadii qabiilkii meel sare oo uu ku dhamaado lahayn meel hoosana ku dhamaan maayo oo waa laf,jilib,jifo,qoys iyo bah oo xaalku intuu Oday joogo waa sahal e kol haduu bah iyo islaan gaadho waa halis waayo ba’ hebla iyo ba’haha xinfiltankoodu Ka daran qabiilo iskusoo baxay waayo laba walaalo ahbaa gondaha is daraaya!,

2,in Soomaalidii Ka hayaantay deegaankeedii oo ay dunida xushay iyaga oo xanbaarsan qabyaaladii ,waxaana dhici doonta in qurbaha jiilaalka Ku dhashay ee Ku dhaqmay ay aakhirka asal doorsami doonaan waayo koox kooxaysi qabiil Ku dhisan ayaa qoomiyadnimadii muquurinaaya.

3,in deegaamadii Soomaalidu isbadeley oo xeyndaab xuduud caalami ah lagu wareejiyey oo dalal laga dhigay magacyo cusub leh dadkii degenaana Ku abtirsada layidhi oo soomaalinimada meeshaba laga saaray, sidda Jabuutiyan,itoobiyan iyo kiiniyaati,

Oo waxa dhacaysa in hadii nin qoomiyada amxaarada ama qoomiyadaha kale ee itoobiya dega aad is af-dhaaftaan uu yaa itoobiyaanay yidhaahdo in mid qoomiyada Soomaalida ahi uu tantoobo Kula soo tiigsado!,kiiniya iyo jabuutina sidoo kale,100 Sano dabadeed hadaad soomaali baad tihiin ku tidhaahdo dagaal filo.

Hadaba waxa xal ah ee in uun qoomiyad-nimada Soomaalinimo lagu badbaadin karaa in uun kol hadii soomaali Qabyaaladii iska dayn weydey siduu illaahay yidhina u isticmaali weydey waxaan soo jeedin lahaa bal Abtirsiinta aad ubadka baraysaan SOOMAALI ugu danbaysiiya oo fara ubadkiina in qabiilada Soomaalidu Soomaal SOOMAALI kuwada dhamaadaan kuna wada arooraan oo Soomaalidu qoomiyad Oday SOOMAALI la odhan jirtay kasoo wada jeedaan,

Fadlan Abtirsiintiina SOOMAALI kuwada arooriya.

Anigu Fuad Fartaag Faratol Bade ……………..sheekh isaxaaq aw SOOMAALI reer Shan-U-Roone-Soomaal Afrikaani Qaabiil Aadan Ciid lagasamee abuur illaahay. <(Reer Shan-u-Roone = reer Somaliland).

Bal hadaba ab-tirsataye ayaad tahay anigu SOOMAALI dalkayguna Somaliland.

Fuad Fartaag

fartaagmuwaadin@gmail.com

SAXAAFADDA IYO DIMUQRAADIYADDU WAA SIDA UL IYO DIIRKEED OO KALE .

Saxaafaddu waa macalin bulsho waar taas hala ogaado , saxaafadda xorta ahi waa tiirka ay ku dhisan tahaynidaamka dimuqraadiga ahi, maaha oo qudha in la doorto baarlamaan(ama doorashooyin qabsoomaan ) , maaha oo qudha in la dhiso mu’ asasado qaanuuniya oo ilaaliyaa dimuqraadiyadda , ee waxa lagama maarmaan ah in ay ka garab jirto saxaafad hor ah . waxaana loo baahan yahay in ay jirto saxaafad kormeerta oo xisaabisa siyaasadda iyo siyaasiyiinta (checks and balances ) .
Nidaamka dimuqraadiyadda ku dhisan iyo saxaafaddu waa laba aan kala maarmin , haddii midkood meesha ka maqan yahayna , ka kale ma jirayo ee taa ha la ogaado .
Hadaba dadku waxay isku khaldaan saxaafadda ( suxufiga ) (journalist ) ka iyo qoraaga siyaasiga ah AMA weriyaha (reporter ) ka warka soo tebiya , oo shaqadiisu tahay in uu warka oo xufan soo gudbiyo isaga oo dhexdhexaad ah , laakiin wixii oo dhan ayaa iskaga keen qasan oo aynaan kala garanayn ama is wada dhexyaacaaya . WAAYO? xisbiyadeena siyaasadeed iyo siyaasiyiinteena iyo mabaa dii’ dooda ayaan waxba ku kal duwanayn (QABYAALAD MOOYEE ) , saxaafaddeena iyo siyaasadeeduna sidaas oo kale yara weeye .
Tusaale ahaan haddaan saxaafadda dunida mid ka soo qaato :
Sida saxaafadda ingiriiska oo kale , metelan jariiradda ( DAILY TELEGRAPH ) waa jariirad muxaafid ah , ( INDEPENDENT) waxay u janjeedhaa dhinaca bidixda , (TIMES) waxay ku hadashaa afka qolada bidixda ee weliba dhexdhexaadka ah , mid kastaana midda kale way ka duwan tahay siyaasadda ay difaacdo iyo kooxda iyo xisbiga ay magacooda ku hadasho ama dhinacooda ay u janjeedho .
Hadaba bulshadeenu saxaafadda waxba aqoon ah kama haystaan oo saxaafadda iyo warbaahuntuba way nagu cusub yihiine , bal saxaafadda lafteedu (suxufiyiintu) waxa looga baahan yahay inay bulshada u soo bandhigaan oo uga waramaan kaalinta ay saxaafaddu leedahay iyo kaalinta iyo doorka ay saxaafaddu bulshada ugu jirto .
Ummadda iyo bulshada u sheega in ay saxaafadda horta ahi tahay MACALIN BULSHO , sidaa awgeed saxaafaddu waa inay noqoto macalin fiican oo bulshada daadahayn kara waa inay noqoto .
Bulshaduna waa inay ogaato , haddii saxaafad xor ah lawaayo , dimuqraadiyad jiraysaa ma jirto .
Saxaafadduna waxay ilaalisaa danta dadka iyo dalka .
Suxufiguna ha ogaado hana ilaaliyo inta garaadka bulshadiisu le’egtahay iyo waxa uu qaadan karo iyo waxa ka miisaanka wayn .
Wax yaabo badan oo aanu u bislaanin baa jirta ee ha la daadihiyo inta uu xor ka noqonaayo wax yaabo badan oo iminka haysta oo ay ugu horayso gumaystaha qabyaaladda la yidhaahdaa waaxaana jira siyaasiyiin badan oo oo bulshada caadiga ah ka garaad iyo caqliba liita , taana ha la ogaado , oo yaan lagu dayan .
SI wacyiga bulshada loo koriyaana waa arin wakhti qaadanaysa , waana arin aan fududayn , taana ha lagu xisaabtamo mar kasta oo wax la qoraayo .
Bulshadeena qaarkeed iyo siyaasiyiiteenu intooda badani weli ma kala garanayaan RA’YIGA iyo WARKA iyo RUNTU waxay kala yihiin , (qaar badan baan kala saari karayn ) .
Ereyga ay qorto ama uu qoro isuduwaha (COLUMNIST) wuu ka duwan yahay ka lagu qoro (COLUMN ) joornaal kale .
Qaybta ra’yiga (op-ed) ama (Opinion – Editorial) waxa weeye qayb ra’yiga dadwaynaha la dhexdhigo arin oo laga doodo , oo ama layska horkeeno kooxo kala afkaar ama kal siyaasad duwan , halkaas oo laga helo doodo aad u xiiso badan oo bulshaduna wax ka fahanto , maahana qabab in arintanu ay sharci tahay ama sharci darro ee waa arin u baahan in dood laga galo , wixii natiijo ah ee laga gaadhona waa mid dalka u taalla haddii ay faa’iido bulshada iyo dalka u soo kordhisay , qaybtaasuna waa (SUB ) ama SUB -EDITOR) (The Style -book) .
Hadaba inaga (SOMALILAND) ahaan waxa iskaga keen qasan ama khaldan (bulsho ahaan iyo xukuumad ahaan ba) waxa la yidhaahdo DOOD QARAN am RA’YI ama TALO ama TUSAALAYN , arimahaas oo dhan in loo bislaado weeye ,ilayn dal baynu wada wadaag naaye .
Haddii aan saxaafad xor ah aan la helinna , weligeed meel lagaadhayaa ma jirto , dimuqraadiyad wax inoo taraysaana ma jirto , horumar laga gaadhayaana ma jirto dhinaca dimuqraadiyadda , doorashooyin inoo hirgalayaana ma jirayaan , HADDII AAN SAXAAFAD XOR AH LA HELIN .
SAXAAFADDA IYO DIMUQRAADIYADUNA WAA SIDA UL IYO DIIRKEED OO KALE .

CALI MAXAMED BIIXI

caliwwelli@hotmail.co.uk